EXCLUSIVE: Finnish Foreign Minister Elina Valtonen said Ukraine has gained new leverage against Russia, arguing that Moscow’s renewed talk of negotiations comes as Kyiv has strengthened itself militarily, politically and diplomatically.

Valtonen’s comments carry particular weight because Finland is one of NATO’s newest members and now sits on the alliance’s longest border with Russia. Finland joined NATO in April 2023 after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, ending decades of military nonalignment and transforming the country into a frontline state in Europe’s security posture.

"Ukraine certainly is now holding the cards," Valtonen told Fox News Digital Monday in an interview at the United Nations headquarters in New York. "They have strengthened themselves immensely over the course of the past three, four months, both militarily and politically, diplomatically. And I think this opens a great window of opportunity for actually advancing the peace talks."

UKRAINE MAKES FASTEST GAINS IN YEARS AS RUSSIA TALKS STALL, EXPLOITING CRACKS IN KREMLIN COMMAND

Her assessment comes as Reuters reported that Ukraine’s top military commander said Ukrainian forces had recaptured more than 600 square kilometers, or roughly 230 square miles, of territory so far in 2026, a shift after years of slow Russian gains. It also follows renewed diplomatic activity, including Zelenskyy’s stated willingness to halt fighting along current lines as a path to talks and Putin’s public rejection of a direct meeting for now.

Finland shares a roughly 820-mile border with Russia, making it one of the alliance’s most strategically exposed members.

Valtonen said Moscow has shown little willingness to make concessions and argued that the responsibility for ending the war remains with the Kremlin.

"So far, Russia hasn’t been willing to make any concessions, and essentially Russia could end the war today if they wanted to, because it was their war in the first place," she said. "So I’m hopeful that this could be the right time to relaunch those talks."

Peace efforts remain stalled over the same core divide that has shaped the war for years: Ukraine has called for a ceasefire and negotiations without surrendering territory, while Russia has continued to demand control over occupied Ukrainian regions. Putin said in early June there was "no point" in meeting Zelenskyy for now and repeated Moscow’s broader war aims.

Asked about U.S.-led efforts to negotiate an end to the war, Valtonen praised Washington’s role but stressed that Ukraine alone must decide whether to accept any concessions, including on territory.

"I think the U.S. involvement in this entire process has been a very good one, and it’s important that the U.S. stays engaged, because at the end of the day, it’s about freedom, it’s the future of not only Europe, but also of global peace," she said.

ZELENSKYY SAYS US WILL ONLY GUARANTEE UKRAINE'S SECURITY IF KYIV AGREES TO GIVE UP DONBAS

Valtonen said Europe also needs to be part of the process because Russia’s war directly affects the continent’s security architecture.

She said any serious negotiations would require Russia to accept a full ceasefire.

"First and foremost, we would need Russia at the table willing to end the war," Valtonen said. "And that would need to happen through a full ceasefire, because only that would open the possibility for true negotiations."

Valtonen also credited President Donald Trump with pushing European allies to increase defense spending, saying the pressure had moved the continent in the right direction after years of imbalance inside NATO.

Finland has moved aggressively to increase defense spending. Helsinki plans to raise defense spending to 3.2% of GDP by 2030, up from 2.5% in 2025, Reuters reported in April. 

WHY NATO’S DEFENSE SPENDING IMBALANCE LASTED FOR DECADES

Secretary of State Marco Rubio also praised Finland and Sweden Tuesday during a Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing, saying the two newest NATO members had strengthened the alliance by bringing "their own defense industry" and "advanced technologies." 

He called them "a great partner" and "an extraordinary partner."

Valtonen said Finland’s approach is shaped by its own history with Moscow.

"Finland obviously has taken the Russian threat extremely seriously because we have the longest border with them," she said. "We certainly worship our status as the happiest country in the world, i.e. democracy, the rule of law and human rights, which we hold dear as values over anything that Russia could offer."

She also pointed to Finland’s experience in World War II, when the Soviet Union invaded Finland, as a reminder of why deterrence matters.

"The last time the Soviet Union, i.e. Russia, tried to invade us was during the Second World War," Valtonen said. "Happily, we were able to fend them off, but of course at the massive cost to the society."

"For us, it has been clear that if we invest in our deterrence, then that’s a signal to Russia — do not come here," she added.

On Iran, Valtonen said Finnish President Alexander Stubb’s March comments, reported by The Guardian, that the conflict was not a NATO matter should not be understood as Europe washing its hands of the crisis.

"I don’t think our president meant that this has nothing to do with European countries or NATO allies," Valtonen said. "I think what he probably meant more is that NATO obviously is not directly involved as an organization, which is true."

EX-NATO AMBASSADOR WARNS US AND ALLIES MUST 'STOP THE SNIPING' AND UNITE TO END IRAN CONFLICT

Her comments came after another weekend escalation in the Iran war, with Tehran launching missiles at Israel and Israel striking military targets in western and central Iran overnight. The flare-up unfolded as the U.S. and its allies continue efforts to prevent Iran from becoming a nuclear state and keep pressure on Tehran over threats to Israel and regional shipping.

The Strait of Hormuz, a critical global energy choke point, has become a central focus for Western governments after Iranian threats and restrictions on maritime traffic. Reuters reported Monday that the European Union sanctioned Iranian-linked individuals and an Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps navy unit over threats to shipping in the strait.

"We as individual member states in Europe have definitely been helping the U.S. effort," Valtonen said. "We don’t want to see Iran as a nuclear state. We know what kind of a threat Iran has projected towards the region, especially toward Israel."

Valtonen added Finland has also joined efforts led by France and the United Kingdom to keep the Strait of Hormuz open once conditions allow for safe operations in the area.

"It’s so important that such straits are not weaponized by any country around the world," Valtonen said.

Asked whether European countries had refused U.S. requests to use bases during the Iran crisis, Valtonen said Finland has no U.S. bases to shut down but argued that most European allies have supported Washington’s requests.

"Finland has been helping the U.S. through so many ways," she said. "We don’t have any U.S. bases in Finland, so there’s nothing we can shut down."

CLICK HERE TO DOWNLOAD THE FOX NEWS APP

"But having said this, the vast majority of European countries have said yes to everything that the U.S. has asked during the past couple of months when this war effort has been ongoing, independent of the fact that, of course, we are not directly involved as countries in the war," she added.

Valtonen said that support demonstrated NATO allies’ willingness to help Washington even when the alliance itself is not formally involved.

"I think that really shows the engagement by NATO allies in this and our willingness to help when the U.S. really needs some assistance," she said.

Exclusive: Ukrainian president says ‘small mistake can break a big friendship’ in wide-ranging interview with Guardian

Volodymyr Zelenskyy has said the decision by some Reform UK councils to take down the Ukrainian flag was the kind of “small mistake that can break a big friendship”, as he underlined the significance of strong bilateral relations.

The Ukrainian president tempered his rare foray into UK domestic politics by stressing how much the two countries “need each other” in the battle against Russia, which he said posed a threat not only to Ukraine but to Britain too.

Continue reading...

© Photograph: David Levene/The Guardian

© Photograph: David Levene/The Guardian

© Photograph: David Levene/The Guardian

Key developments on June 8:

• Russia rejects Ukrainian, European peace initiatives, says battlefield will decide war
• NATO jets shoot down drone over Latvia in 1st such interception, military says
• Ukraine strikes Russian oil depot, radar station, other military targets, General Staff confirms
• Ukraine foils Russian plot to assassinate senior military

"I thank His Majesty, the people, and the entire United Kingdom for their ironclad support for our people," President Volodymyr Zelensky said.

"For the time being, I think this issue has been solved at the working level," the EU's Enlargement Chief Marta Kos said in a meeting with journalists in Kyiv on June 8, referring to Poland's objection.

This weekly update from the Kyiv Independent aims to shed light on the situation facing Ukrainians living under Russian occupation and the ever-tightening control of information imposed by the Kremlin.

Key news as of June 8:

• Crimea faces food shortages amid Ukraine's intensified drone attacks
• Bridge linking Crimea

More than 60% of Ukrainians categorically reject a ceasefire along the current frontline if Ukraine receives no security guarantees. The same share would approve a ceasefire if European troops were stationed near the frontline and would defend Ukraine against renewed Russian aggression, according to a new Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) poll, conducted between 7 May and 3 June 2026.

The poll quantifies the substantive Ukrainian public position on the ongoing diplomatic process: the ceasefire itself is not the disputed question, but security guarantees are.

Across the four scenarios KIIS tested, the lowest level of support (32%) is for a ceasefire without guarantees. Mid-range support corresponds to mid-range guarantees: 42% for European troops deep in Ukraine that would not fight, and 53% for security guarantees in the form of large-scale financial and weapons support.

Four scenarios in detail

Scenario 1 — ceasefire without security guarantees, money, or weapons: 61% categorically reject, 32% willing to approve (mostly reluctantly). This is the substantive Ukrainian public position on the unconditional ceasefire that Russian negotiators have repeatedly framed as a starting point: the offer falls short by roughly two-to-one.

Scenario 2 — ceasefire with European troops deployed deep in Ukraine, NOT participating in combat if Russia attacks again: 49% categorically reject, 42% willing to approve. A passive Western presence is closer to acceptance but does not yet command majority support.

Scenario 3 — ceasefire with security guarantees in the form of large-scale money and weapons supply: 37% categorically reject, 53% willing to approve. Material guarantees alone gain majority support, but with significant skepticism remaining.

Scenario 4 — ceasefire with European troops near the frontline who WOULD defend Ukraine against renewed Russian aggression: 33% categorically reject, 61% willing to approve. Active defense by European forces commands the highest support, with a clear majority in favor of a ceasefire under conditions that make Russian re-invasion materially riskier.

Methodology and coverage

KIIS conducted the survey by computer-assisted telephone interview (CATI), using random sampling of mobile phone numbers. The sample of 2,007 Ukrainian citizens aged 18 and older was drawn exclusively from territory controlled by the Ukrainian government, meaning the data does not include displaced Ukrainians abroad or Ukrainians in Russian-occupied territories.

The polling period of 7 May through 3 June 2026 covered the full month of the current phase of US-mediated diplomatic activity, during which Russia continued striking Ukrainian cities with Shahed drones and missile attacks.

The summer tourist season is starting in Russian-occupied Crimea, but with Ukrainian drone attacks and fuel shortages, how many people will visit? Current Time correspondent Andrey Cherkasov explains, tour operators are trying to put a positive spin on the crisis, but it's being met with skepticism.

Ukraine's Defense Ministry has announced that it has codified and approved the Ukrainian-made WOLFSTORM electric motorcycle for military use. The 105-kg, 8 kW vehicle reaches 80 km/h, travels up to 100 km on a single charge, carries two soldiers with full gear, and operates with near-silent movement and no thermal signature.

The codification is part of a broader push by the Ukrainian Defense Procurement Agency to scale motorcycle deliveries to frontline units in 2026, with the agency having contracted for 1,500 motorcycles. It is three times last year's volume.

Motorcycles have become one of the most operationally critical vehicle classes on the Ukrainian frontline, where small mobile groups, reconnaissance teams, and casualty-evacuation crews need to move quickly through terrain impassable to heavier vehicles.

Technical specifications

The WOLFSTORM weighs 105 kilograms and reaches a top speed of 80 km/h, with a range of up to 100 kilometers without recharging and a maximum load capacity of 200 kilograms.

The 8 kW electric motor is placed at the center of the frame, providing better balance and steadier performance on difficult terrain.

Power is transmitted to the rear wheel via a chain, as on conventional motorcycles, and the design includes a reverse gear.

Full battery charge takes approximately four hours, and the battery can be quickly swapped for a spare. 

The frontline use cases

On the front, electric motorcycles like the WOLFSTORM can be used for reconnaissance, sapper operations, cargo delivery, casualty evacuation, transport of drone operator crews, patrol, and facility security, according to the Defense Ministry.

The combination of thermal-signature reduction and near-silent operation addresses two specific battlefield vulnerabilities that have shaped Ukrainian frontline mobility tactics: Russian thermal imaging used to target moving Ukrainian vehicles, and acoustic detection of vehicle engines by Russian observation drones.

The modular construction is designed to operate in temperature extremes and complex weather conditions, the Defense Ministry said.

Procurement scale-up

The 1,500-motorcycle contract volume for 2026 reflects the Defense Procurement Agency's broader effort to scale frontline transport supply through competitive procurement.

The approximately $270,000 in savings achieved through supplier competition is a small absolute figure, but the structural signal that competitive procurement saves the state money while increasing volume threefold.

NATO fighters from the Baltic Air Policing mission shot down a foreign unmanned aerial vehicle over Latvia's Latgale region this morning, after the drone entered Latvian airspace as a result of Russian electronic warfare action, the Latvian Ministry of Defense says. It is the most direct documented NATO engagement of a drone over Latvian territory tied to Russia's war against Ukraine to date.

The shoot-down comes against a backdrop of repeated drone incursions over NATO territory along the eastern flank in 2026. In May, a Russian drone crashed into a residential building in Galați, Romania.

What did Latvia say? 

"NATO Baltic Air Policing mission shot down a foreign unmanned aerial vehicle (drone) that had entered Latvia as a result of Russian electromagnetic warfare," the Latvian Ministry of Defense statement said.

The ministry stressed that the Latvian Armed Forces and NATO allies continuously monitor Latvian airspace to enable an immediate response to potential threats, and that the Latvian Armed Forces have reinforced air defense capabilities along the eastern border by deploying additional units.

"As long as Russia's aggression in Ukraine continues, the recurrence of incidents where a foreign unmanned aerial vehicle enters or approaches Latvian airspace remains possible," the ministry added.

Baltic context: Estonia's months of frustration

Latvia's incident comes after months of similar incidents in Baltic airspace. In May 2026, Estonia's Foreign Minister Margus Tsahkna and Defense Minister Hanno Pevkur publicly told Ukraine to control its drones better after months of airspace breaches across the Baltic states and Finland.

In March 2026, Tsahkna said, several drones breached Estonian airspace. One hit a chimney at the Auvere Power Plant, two kilometers from the Russian border, and another crashed in Tartu County, with debris washed up along Estonia's northern coast.

A drone also struck a fuel storage depot near the Latvian border. Russia has claimed the Baltic states are allowing Ukraine to use their airspace for attacks.

Ukraine has accused Russia of deliberately directing drones into Baltic airspace through electronic warfare. Today's Latvian statement that "Russian electronic warfare action" caused the intrusion aligns with Ukraine's reading of the pattern rather than Russia's.

Russian occupation forces have deliberately manufactured a food shortage in occupied Rubizhne, cutting civilian food deliveries to the Luhansk Oblast city even as military supply convoys continue to flow, the head of the Luhansk Regional Military Administration reported on 8 June.

Shelves in the city's stores are emptying rapidly, Kharchenko said. Russian propaganda blames disrupted transport links, citing an alleged drone threat. Yet the occupiers have had no difficulty maintaining their own logistics routes to resupply military units stationed across the region, he noted.

"They need to make the next victim for Russian television out of local residents. They chose Rubizhne."—Luhansk governor Oleksii Kharchenko

A city turned into a propaganda prop

The official accused Russia of weaponizing hunger for television cameras. He said the occupiers intend to film bare shelves and hungry residents, then broadcast the footage to Russian audiences as evidence of suffering they themselves engineered.

Before Russia's full-scale invasion, Rubizhne was home to more than 55,000 people. Russian forces seized the city in May 2022 after weeks of devastating urban combat during which they fired up to 1,500 shells per day, the BBC's Quentin Sommerville reported from the front lines. The city's current population remains unknown, but residents who stayed have endured four years of occupation without reliable utilities, communications, or public services.

In nearby Sievierodonetsk, conditions have deteriorated so far that residents now mow the grass in their own neighborhoods and clean communal areas themselves, Kharchenko added—an admission that Russia's occupation authorities provide no basic municipal services even in the cities they claim to have "liberated."

A pattern of deliberate starvation across occupied Ukraine

The manufactured food shortage in occupied Rubizhne fits a documented pattern of Russia using hunger as a weapon against Ukrainian civilians trapped behind the front lines.

In Oleshky, a frontline city in occupied Kherson Oblast, roughly 2,000 civilians have been cut off from food, medicine, and clean water for months. "If the situation doesn't improve, people will just die there from hunger. Because there's no way out, no food supplies coming in," an Oleshky resident who escaped occupation told the Kyiv Independent. Russian forces mined the access roads, destroyed the Kakhovka dam's water infrastructure, and deployed FPV drones that residents describe as conducting "human safari" attacks—hunting anyone who steps outside. People there hunt pigeons and wild ducks with fishing line, plant vegetables in shell craters, and bury their dead in wheelbarrows because no coffins or transport exist.

Ukraine's Foreign Ministry in May appealed to the United Nations and the International Committee of the Red Cross over what it called a "severe humanitarian crisis" in Russian-occupied Kherson Oblast. Russia rejected calls for a humanitarian corridor.

In Nova Kakhovka, upstream from Oleshky, most coastal areas have been abandoned. The few residents who remain live in distant high-rise microdistricts with no functioning hospital and minimal Russian administrative presence, governed remotely from Henichesk, roughly 130 kilometers away.

The Rubizhne food shortage also coincides with Russia's broader restriction of civilian movement through occupied territories. On 6 June, occupation authorities shut down bus and private car traffic on main arteries, capping two weeks of land-corridor breakdowns that have further isolated occupied communities.

Starvation as premeditated policy

International human rights investigators have gathered evidence that Russia planned to use hunger as a weapon before the 2022 invasion. A report by Global Rights Compliance found that a Russian defense contractor purchased grain-transport trucks and bulk cargo ships in December 2021—two months before the invasion began. The evidence was submitted to the International Criminal Court for what could become the first prosecution of a head of state for the war crime of starvation as a method of warfare.

Global Rights Compliance has drawn a direct parallel to the Holodomor—the Soviet-engineered famine that killed millions of Ukrainians in 1932–1933. Russia's current starvation tactics are being perpetrated, the organization noted, by "the same attacking state."

Under the Geneva Conventions, using starvation of civilians as a method of warfare is a war crime. The Rome Statute of the ICC codified the offense in 1998. Yet in occupied Rubizhne, occupied Oleshky, and across the territories Russia claims to have annexed, the pattern continues: military convoys pass, civilian supply lines close, and shelves empty.

Ukrainian police arrested a Russian-recruited agent in Kyiv who was planning to assassinate a senior official of Defense Intelligence (GUR) using an FPV drone, the National Police announced on 8 June. The suspect, a 38-year-old Kyiv resident with a prior criminal record for property offenses, had received a $10,000 advance on a promised $100,000 bounty.

The target was Andrii Yusov, GUR's spokesperson and deputy head of the Coordination Headquarters for the Treatment of Prisoners of War, according to law enforcement sources cited by multiple Ukrainian outlets including Hromadske and OBOZ.UA. In February, a joint Ukrainian-Moldovan operation dismantled a 10-person network that had also targeted Yusov among at least five public figures—making this the second known assassination attempt against him in under four months.

The suspect planned to hire an FPV drone operator

The agent spent weeks studying Yusov's daily schedule, commute routes, residence, vehicles, and surrounding infrastructure before settling on an FPV drone as the method, the police statement said. He then began searching for an operator with the skills to pilot one.

FPV drones—cheap, fast, first-person-view kamikaze weapons that have killed more soldiers in Russia's war on Ukraine than almost any other single weapon type—have not been known to be used for targeted assassination inside Ukraine before. OBOZ.UA reported that the suspect planned to use a loitering variant known as a "zhun"—a drone that hovers in position and waits for the target to appear.

Police intercepted a recorded conversation in which the suspect used codewords, referring to the assassination plan as "construction" and the drone method as "airborne-droplet transmission through the air," Hromadske reported. He also consulted a fortune teller, asking for spiritual help so "the guys would do the 'construction' and safely go home."

Officers arrested the suspect before he could act

Detectives from the National Police's Criminal Investigation Department, working with GUR's Internal Security directorate, arrested the man before the plot could be carried out, the police said. Officers seized mobile phones, a GPS tracker, a vehicle, and other evidence during a search of his residence.

The suspect has been charged under Article 14(1) and Article 115(2) of Ukraine's Criminal Code—preparation for premeditated murder for mercenary motives. The charge carries a sentence of 10 to 15 years, or life imprisonment.

The investigation, supervised by the Office of the Prosecutor General, is ongoing. Police said they are working to identify other individuals involved in the plot.

Russia's assassination campaign in Ukraine continues to escalate

The arrest is the latest in a series of Russian-directed assassination plots targeting Ukrainian public figures. In February, the dismantled network had planned to kill at least five targets using shootings and car bombs, with Russian handlers offering up to $100,000 per killing.

In May 2025, activist and drone supplier Serhii Sternenko was shot and wounded by an agent who had rented an apartment to surveil him. In August 2025, former politician Andriy Parubiy was shot dead in Lviv in a killing that authorities linked to Russia.

Three years after Russian forces destroyed the Kakhovka Hydroelectric Power Plant on 6 June 2023, the real death toll remains unknown. At least 34 people were killed, 80 settlements were flooded, and nearly 4,000 people were evacuated according to official figures, Ukraine's Vice Prime Minister for Reconstruction Oleksii Kuleba says.

Kuleba calls the destruction "one of the largest war crimes of Russia against people and the environment."

Who blew up Kakhovka dam? 

Russian forces occupied the dam complex at the moment of the explosion. According to the investigation by The New York Times, the destruction required substantial quantities of explosives placed inside the dam structure — access that only Russian forces had. Ukraine's Prosecutor General referred the case to the International Criminal Court within days, but no ICC determination has been issued specifically on the Kakhovka HPP.

The downstream effects of the destruction — flooded villages, lost Black Sea ecosystems, drinking-water crises across Kherson and Mykolaiv oblasts, and the disappearance of the Kakhovka Reservoir itself — continue to shape life across southern Ukraine.

Immediate human cost

"Three years ago, Russian forces destroyed the dam and the Kakhovka Reservoir. At least 34 people died, but the true number of victims is still unknown," Kuleba says.

Death toll estimates vary significantly across sources, in part because Russian forces continue to control the left-bank Kherson Oblast areas most devastated by the flooding.

In the days following the destruction, Ukrainian emergency services, police, medics, and volunteers worked around the clock to evacuate civilians from flooded settlements. Over 500 municipal workers from various Ukrainian regions assisted with the recovery alongside energy and gas utility crews.

$14 billion in damage and Black Sea consequences

The Kakhovka Reservoir was the largest on the Dnipro River, holding 18 cubic kilometers of water, which was released over 3 to 4 days through the breach. A Post-Disaster Needs Assessment jointly prepared by Ukraine's Cabinet of Ministers and the United Nations originally estimated total losses at over $11 billion.

Former Ukrainian Deputy Foreign Minister Andrii Melnyk called the destruction "the worst environmental catastrophe in Europe since the Chornobyl disaster," per CBC News.

This triggers the tooltip

A Russian FPV drone strike near a residential building in Kramatorsk on the morning of 6 June killed a man born in 1976, the Kramatorsk City Council reports. These types of drones are operated in real time, so the Russian pilot saw the target before launching the weapon at the person. 

The strike fits a documented pattern of Russian FPV-drone targeting of Ukrainian civilians in frontline cities that the UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine formally classified as crimes against humanity in May 2025 in its findings on Kherson Oblast, and that Ukrainian authorities continue to document across other frontline regions, including Donetsk Oblast.

Ukraine has documented more than 11,000 Russian FPV attacks on civilians, including "double-tap" strikes that hit the same site after medics and firefighters arrive at an initial attack. 

Terrorism: no justification

"Each such crime will be documented, and the guilty parties will sooner or later answer for what they have done. No justification can explain the murder of civilians. This is not how military forces act — this is how terrorists act, for whom human life has no value," the Ukrainian authorities said.

UN findings: from Kherson to three-oblast pattern

In May 2025, the OHCHR-supported UN Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine concluded that Russian drone attacks against civilians in Kherson Oblast were "widespread, systematic, and conducted as part of a coordinated state policy" and constitute crimes against humanity of murder, as well as war crimes.

The Commission documented Russian targeting across more than 100 kilometers of the right bank of the Dnipro River, basing its findings on more than 300 videos, 600 Telegram posts, and 91 interviews with victims, witnesses, and local officials.

In its October 2025 follow-up report to the UN General Assembly, the Commission found that the same pattern had expanded across more than 300 kilometers covering Dnipropetrovsk, Kherson, and Mykolaiv Oblasts. Russian FPV operators have systematically pursued specific civilians along defined routes, including at bus stops, supermarket entrances, pension queues, and residential courtyards. 

The Kramatorsk frontline context

Kramatorsk has been a focus of Russian targeting throughout the war, with repeated strikes including double-tap drone attacks on civilian infrastructure and first responders. The city's location near the contact line in Donetsk Oblast places it within FPV drone range. 

Ukrainian defense companies entering the US market face draconian US protectionist conditions, including the formation of a US legal entity and partial disclosure of technical documentation, Defense Express analyzes. The analysis comes as two Ukrainian companies — F-Drones, via the US-registered Ukrainian Defense Drones Tech Corporation (UDD), and General Cherry Corp — compete in the Pentagon's $1.1 billion Drone Dominance Program. 

Bureaucratic and ownership requirements

US defense procurement requires that the contractor be a US legal entity. To register, that entity must be registered with the US Defense Counterintelligence and Security Agency (DCSA) as a defense manufacturer, demonstrate non-use of prohibited Chinese components, satisfy cybersecurity requirements, and meet classified-information access standards.

Foreign ownership thresholds shape what's possible. A 100%-foreign-owned entity faces approval timelines measured in years and is unlikely to receive DCSA approval for classified contracts.

A foreign-ownership share below 50% triggers a Security Control Agreement (SCA) regime, under which the company must be officially led by a US citizen, foreigners are barred from classified information, and registration takes months. The only foreign-ownership level that avoids these additional procedures is below 5%.

What Ukrainian companies must accept

For Ukrainian drone makers targeting US government contracts, the practical implications are stark. The right to sign contracts and conduct correspondence with the US Department of Defense may pass to US-citizen executives.

The "no Chinese components" verification requires at least partial disclosure of technical documentation to US authorities. Production must be relocated or duplicated on US soil, creating American jobs.

And, critically, none of this happens without significant lobbying, often through partnership with a large US prime.

Kongsberg-Raytheon working model, and its Drone Dominance Program echo

Norway's Kongsberg has faced the same procedure. The weapon producer used the partnership model to sell its Naval Strike Missile in the US. Rather than entering the US market directly, Kongsberg paired with Raytheon.

Raytheon handled the procurement promotion, particularly positioning NSM as the armament for the Littoral Combat Ship (LCS) class, in exchange for technology transfer, US localization, and final assembly on American soil.

Ukraine has built 822 kilometers of anti-drone protection along frontline logistics routes since the start of 2026 and has restored more than 170 kilometers of damaged regular roads in frontline oblasts, Defense Minister Mykhailo Fedorov says. In May alone, Ukraine's State Special Transport Service built 211 km of new anti-drone protection. 

Russian FPVs and reconnaissance UAVs hunting Ukrainian vehicles within 15-30 km of the front have forced Ukraine to build a permanent national infrastructure for drone-protected movement on its own side.

How does protection work? 

Anti-drone protection on Ukrainian frontline roads typically takes the form of overhead netting tunnels, wire-mesh canopies, and reinforced barriers along sections of road within reach of Russian FPV drone operators.

The structures intercept FPVs before they strike vehicles, allowing supply trucks, casualty-evacuation vehicles, and personnel rotations to move along otherwise lethal stretches of road.

The May 2026 build-out

In May 2026, Ukraine restored 38 km of previously damaged protected segments and rebuilt 115.5 km of standard frontline roads.

The combination of new construction, maintenance, and regular road repair reflects the operational reality that Russian strikes constantly attrit the network even as Ukraine extends it.

"Each protected kilometer means safer logistics, faster supply, casualty evacuation, and safer military movement even under constant threat of drone attacks," Fedorov said.

Mirror campaigns

Meanwhile, Ukraine's offensive logistics campaign has driven Russia to restrict civilian transport on its main occupied-territory highways. Russia is reportedly banning regular bus services on the R-280 "Novorossiya" route and the R-150 Belgorod-Mariupol highway after Ukrainian drones.

Ukraine, on its own side, is building physical infrastructure, such as netting, wire, and barriers, to keep its own logistics moving under the same drone pressure that Russia is failing to manage on the other side of the line. 

Meanwhile, Russia has installed anti-drone nets at its facilities, such as the Velikolukskaya oil depot in Velikiye Luki, Pskov Oblast. 

Ukrainian Special Operations Forces drone operators have established aerial control over part of the Russian land supply route from occupied Melitopol to Chonhar. The path is the entry point to Crimea, and they are destroying Russian equipment and disrupting Russian military logistics on the road, the 3rd Separate Special Purpose Regiment announces.

Russian forces on the peninsula already depend on a constrained set of supply lines: the Kerch Bridge (under sustained Ukrainian threat since 2022), the rail and road corridor through occupied Donetsk Oblast, and the Melitopol-Chonhar bottleneck. Ukrainian aerial denial of any one of these links compounds pressure on the others. 

Squeezing land corridor from both ends

The new operation puts pressure on the land corridor's western end. On 31 May, Mariupol residents reported in local group chats that Russia shut down part of its land corridor from Crimea to occupied Donetsk because of Ukrainian drones.

The Melitopol-Chonhar segment crosses flat steppe with limited cover and funnels Russian convoys through narrow bridge crossings over the Syvash to reach the peninsula, the terrain optimal for drone operators to deny the air with persistent surveillance and strike capability. 

SSO drones as the strangulation instrument

The 3rd Separate Special Purpose Regiment is one of Ukraine's veteran Special Operations Forces units, named after the tenth-century Kyivan Rus prince.

The regiment's deployment of drone operators against Russian logistics on the Melitopol-Chonhar route fits within Ukraine's broader "logistics lockdown" approach to occupied territory. Ukraine's Defense Ministry has recently committed $113 million to medium-strike drones designed to target Russian rear logistics.

"Drones of the Special Operations Forces unit are destroying equipment and breaking the enemy's logistics routes on the Melitopol-Chonhar route," the 3rd Regiment said.

What does this change for Russia on peninsula? 

Russia's military presence in Crimea depends on a continuous supply of fuel, ammunition, and food, as well as on personnel rotation. 

"As a result, the already-difficult logistics for supplying the Russian army and fuel to the peninsula have grown harder," the SSO said.

Some names have been changed to protect the identities of those featured in the story

As a war crimes researcher at the Reckoning Project, my job was to listen to Ukrainians who had fled the occupation. What they had to say reshaped how I understand life in Russian-occupied territories.

Simplistic

The heaviest fighting is taking place in the Pokrovsk sector in Donetsk Oblast, the Oleksandrivka sector, which lies at the junction of Donetsk, Zaporizhzhia, and Dnipropetrovsk regions, and the Huliaipole sector in Zaporizhzhia Oblast, the commander-in-chief said.

"I don't know how we can even talk about negotiations," Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said.