When you think of medieval princesses, what comes to mind is probably some beauty locked in a tower, waiting around for a prince to show up. Well, Anna Komnene would have rolled her eyes at that stereotype. This 11th-century Byzantine princess had better things to do than wait for rescue—she was busy writing one of history’s most important chronicles!

Born in 1083 to Emperor Alexios I Komnenos, Anna grew up in the heart of the Byzantine Empire during one of its most turbulent periods. Instead of learning needlework like most girls her age, she was reading Homer and studying philosophy. Her parents, surprisingly ahead of their time, decided their daughter deserved a real education, something that was normally reserved for the male offspring. And when we say education, we don’t mean just the basics—we’re talking about advanced studies in history, mathematics, medicine, and literature.

This education paid off in ways nobody could have predicted.

Anna Komnene was more than Daddy’s little Princess

Anna’s masterpiece, the Alexiad, is her marvellous creation that chronicles her father’s reign with the kind of detail that makes historians rub their eyes from tears of joy. She was there for everything: the First Crusade (imagine those rough Western knights showing up at your doorstep), the Norman invasions, the constant political drama and machinations that kept the empire on the verge of falling apart.

Now, let’s be honest, once someone reads her chronicle, it is more than obvious that Anna worshipped her father. Reading the Alexiad, you’d think Alexios could walk on water. But even accounting for her obvious bias, the work is incredibly valuable to us all today. She provides simply unparalleled insights into Byzantine court life, military strategy, and cultural dynamics.

Her descriptions of the Crusaders are particularly entertaining, too. She thought these Western “barbarians” were crude and uncivilized, but she also recognized their military effectiveness and value when it came to battlefields. It’s like getting a sophisticated gossip column about one of history’s most significant events. That’s what her Chronicles feels like to scholars.

Anna Komnene wrote her way into history

What makes Anna truly remarkable isn’t that she wrote a good book—it’s that she dared to write it at all by herself. You see, medieval women weren’t supposed to be historians. They certainly weren’t supposed to have opinions about military campaigns or imperial policy.

Anna didn’t care about “supposed to.”

The Alexiad is bold, confident, and sometimes brutally honest about her era. She criticizes incompetent officials, praises effective leadership, and offers her analysis of complex political situations. It was serious scholarship demanding to be taken seriously, and it worked. The Alexiad became one of the most important sources for understanding this period of Byzantine history. Scholars today still cite her work, debate her interpretations, and marvel at her accomplishments.

Anna Komnene’s life wasn’t all intellectual triumph, though. After her father died, she found herself increasingly sidelined by those in court. She had hoped to see her husband become emperor, but politics didn’t work out in her favor. Writing the Alexiad partly became a way to preserve her family’s legacy and partly a way to assert her own importance in a world that preferred women to remain silent rather than take on the role of a protagonist in the Empire’s political affairs.

It is easy to understand her frustration coming through the text sometimes. Here was this brilliant, educated woman who understood imperial politics better than most of the men making decisions, and she was expected to just… fade into the background after her father passed away.

So, instead of remaining silent, she picked up her pen and made sure her voice would be heard for centuries.

Why Anna Komnene’s attitude is still relevant

Anna Komnene proved something that seems obvious now but was revolutionary at the time: women could be serious scholars, thoughtful historians, and compelling writers. She opened a door that had been firmly shut and wedged it open for everyone who came after. Every time a woman publishes a memoir, writes a historical analysis, or offers her perspective on current events, she follows the path that Anna Komnene created. Not that Anna gets credit for it—most people have never heard of her. But the precedent she set matters.

The Alexiad remains in print today, nearly 1,000 years later. Students still read it in history classes. Scholars still argue about her interpretations. That’s not bad for someone who was supposed to stay in her (luxurious) room and let the men handle the important issues.

She had something to say, and she said it. In a world that preferred women to stay silent, that was pretty revolutionary.

Delphi offered more than prophecy in the times of the Ancient Greeks, as inscribed on the temple were a series of brief sayings with deep philosophical meaning known as the Delphic Maxims.

These concise statements distilled profound ideas about ethics, self-control, and human nature. Though short in form, they helped shape Greek thought for centuries and left a lasting influence on philosophers such as Socrates and Plato.

Among these maxims, two became especially well known: “Know Thyself” (Γνῶθι Σεαυτόν) and “Nothing in Excess” (Μηδὲν Ἄγαν). The Ancient Greeks did not treat these as simple moral slogans but rather as guiding principles for inner harmony and a philosophical pursuit of knowledge.

Delphi and the center of the Greek world

Few sacred places in the Ancient Greek world carried the same spiritual authority and symbolic weight as Delphi. Greeks from across the region traveled to the sanctuary of Apollo to consult the oracle, offer sacrifices, and seek divine guidance. Kings, generals, philosophers, and ordinary citizens all stood before the same sacred center, hoping to receive wisdom from the god.

The sanctuary was located on the slopes of Mount Parnassus in central Greece, and the Ancient Greeks regarded it as the spiritual center of the world. According to myth, Zeus released two eagles from opposite ends of the earth, and they met above Delphi. The famous omphalos, or sacred stone, marked this divine center. The sanctuary belonged to Apollo, the god of light, harmony, music, prophecy, and rational order. Pilgrims arrived from across the Mediterranean to hear the oracle delivered through the Pythia, Apollo’s priestess.

Yet Delphi also functioned as a philosophical and ethical center. Visitors encountered sacred inscriptions carved directly into the temple itself. Tradition often attributed the Delphic Maxims to the Seven Sages of Greece, legendary figures associated with practical wisdom and political insight. Various sources preserve differing lists, though names such as Solon, Thales, Bias, Pittacus, and Chilon frequently appear among them. According to tradition, Chilon of Sparta is credited with “Know Thyself,” while Solon or Cleobulus is often associated with “Nothing in Excess.” Regardless of authorship, the Greeks regarded the maxims as expressions of divine wisdom connected to Apollo himself.

“Know Thyself” and the common interpretation of the Delphic maxim

The maxim “Know Thyself” became one of the most influential phrases in Western philosophy. Most people interpret it as a call to humility. In this reading, the maxim reminds human beings of their limitations and the notion that mortals should not imagine themselves equal to gods. Pride, arrogance, and excessive ambition were seen as paths toward destruction.

This interpretation certainly existed in Ancient Greece. Greek tragedy repeatedly warned against hubris, the dangerous overestimation of human power. Delphi therefore urged visitors to recognize their finite condition. The maxim also encouraged a more practical form of self-awareness. A wise person understands both strengths and weaknesses, and this kind of understanding helps prevent poor decisions and reckless behavior. However, Socrates and Plato had a far more profound interpretation.

Socrates and the ontological meaning of “Know Thyself”

Plato’s dialogue First Alcibiades presents one of the most profound interpretations of the Delphic maxim. In the dialogue, Socrates questions the ambitious young Alcibiades, who is eager for political power and glory in Athens. Socrates asks Alcibiades a deceptively simple question: what exactly is the “self” that one must know?

Through careful reasoning, Socrates gradually argues that a human being cannot be reduced to the physical body alone. The body functions more like an instrument used by something deeper. Just as a musician plays a lyre, the soul uses the body. The true self, therefore, must be the soul rather than the body.

This interpretation transforms this Delphic maxim into an ontological and spiritual imperative. “Know Thyself” no longer refers only to recognizing personal limits. Instead, it becomes a call to discover one’s true essence and, in some readings, one’s divine orientation. For Socrates, self-knowledge forms the foundation of wisdom and political virtue. A person who does not understand the soul cannot govern properly because ignorance already governs from within.

In this sense, the Delphic maxim directs human beings toward inner awakening. Socrates takes the argument even further in First Alcibiades. He suggests that the soul knows itself by contemplating what is most like the divine. Wisdom, reason, and truth become the means through which the soul aligns with a higher reality. This idea deeply influenced later Platonic philosophy and Neoplatonism in which thinkers increasingly read the Delphic maxim as a spiritual path toward union with the divine intellect.

Within this framework, self-knowledge becomes sacred knowledge. To know oneself is to understand the soul’s origin, structure, and ultimate destiny. The Delphic inscription thus becomes more than an ethical reminder—it stands as a gateway into metaphysics.

The Delphic maxim “Nothing in Excess” and the harmony of the soul

Another great Delphic maxim is “Nothing in Excess,” which carried far deeper meaning than simple moderation. At a practical level, the saying encouraged balance and restraint. Ancient Greeks admired sophrosyne, or self-control. A wise person avoids extremes in pleasure, anger, ambition, and behavior.

Plato later developed this idea philosophically through his theory of the soul. In works such as Republic, Plato describes the soul as composed of distinct parts. Reason must govern spirit and desire in a balanced and harmonious way. When one part dominates excessively, disorder and inner suffering follow.

From this perspective, “Nothing in Excess” reflects a geometrical and proportional vision of the soul. Justice and wisdom arise through equilibrium. Greek philosophy often linked beauty itself to proportion and harmony. The Delphic maxim, therefore, expresses not only a moral principle but also a broader cosmic order.

The speech of Aspasia

Plato places a striking interpretation of “Nothing in Excess” into the mouth of Aspasia in Menexenus. This passage expands the maxim into a broader philosophy of inner independence and self-mastery. Aspasia declares:

“The saying ‘Nothing in Excess,’ spoken since ancient times, appears entirely correct. Indeed, it is the truest principle. The person who depends only on themselves and their own capacities for happiness, and who does not suspend their life on the fortunes of others, is best prepared for life. This individual is moderate, heroic, and wise. Whether they gain wealth and children or lose them, they remain faithful to this maxim above all. They will neither rejoice nor grieve beyond measure because they rely primarily on themselves and their inner strength.”

This interpretation reveals the ethical depth of the Delphic maxim. Moderation here is not merely quantitative but qualitative, shaping one’s entire way of living. It becomes a question of inner freedom.

A balanced person does not collapse under misfortune nor become intoxicated by success. Inner stability produces courage, wisdom, and resilience. Plato therefore connects moderation directly to philosophical strength.

One of the most remarkable inventions of Ancient Athenian democracy was a device used to randomly select citizens for public duties such as jury service and public office.

The kleroterion consisted of a stele with horizontal rows of slots on its front and a vertical metal tube attached to the side. Prospective jurors inserted small, flat bronze tokens known as pinakia into these slots, each engraved with their name, their father’s name, and their deme (municipality). Black and white metal spheres were then placed into a funnel and released into the tube in a randomized sequence.

Candidates whose pinakia aligned with a white sphere were selected as jurors, while those aligned with a black sphere were not. Multiple kleroteria (plural) were installed in front of each court to handle the selection process.

Developed in Classical Athens during the 5th century BC, the kleroterion embodied a radical principle for its time: that ordinary citizens, rather than elites or hereditary rulers, should take part in governing the state through equitable civic participation. Within the broader framework of Ancient Athenian democracy, it represented a systematic effort to formalize political equality.

Although the process may appear simple by modern standards, it was highly innovative in the ancient world. Instead of elections shaped by wealth, family influence, or popularity, the Athenians relied heavily on sortition, or selection by lottery. The kleroterion mechanized this system and significantly reduced opportunities for corruption. Eligible citizens would arrive at the court and place their pinakia into the appropriate slots of the kleroterion, with each column representing a tribe and reflecting the political organization of Athens established after the reforms of Cleisthenes around 508 BC.

Archaeological discoveries, particularly from the Athenian Agora, have confirmed ancient written accounts and revealed the sophistication of the system. The kleroterion ultimately illustrates how deeply equality, civic participation, and safeguards against corruption were valued within Athenian democracy.

The foundations of Athenian democracy and the kleroterion

The foundations of Ancient Greek democracy in Athens were established through the reforms of Cleisthenes in 508–507 BC and later expanded during the 5th century BC under leaders such as Pericles. During this period, Athens actively sought to prevent the concentration of political power in the hands of aristocratic elites. One of the key mechanisms used to achieve this goal was random selection. As Aristotle explains in Politics (Book IV, 1294b), the distinction between democracy and oligarchy was clear and fundamental: “It is accepted as democratic when public offices are allocated by lot; and as oligarchic when they are filled by election.”

This statement highlights the ideological importance of the kleroterion within Athenian democracy. Elections tended to favor wealthy and influential citizens who already possessed reputation, education, and good social networks. Random allotment, by contrast, gave ordinary citizens an equal opportunity to participate in governance. The Athenians believed that political equality, or isonomia, depended on broad participation from the citizen body rather than dominance by a small elite.

The kleroterion was particularly significant in the selection of jurors for the dikasteria, the large popular courts of Athens. Each day, thousands of jurors were chosen to hear legal and political cases. Aristotle also describes this procedure in The Constitution of the Athenians (63): “Each juror, after presenting his ticket, receives a staff and enters the court to which the lot assigns him.”

Random selection in the courts was designed to make bribery and manipulation far more difficult. Because no one could predict who would serve on a given jury, corrupt politicians and wealthy litigants found it harder to influence outcomes in advance. In this way, the kleroterion functioned as a safeguard against corruption and tyranny in Ancient Athenian democracy. In a society deeply wary of concentrated power, randomness itself became an essential democratic instrument.

The randomization process in Ancient Athenian democracy

The randomization process operated in several stages. Citizens first inserted their tokens into the designated slots of the kleroterion. Colored balls were then released from the attached tube in a randomized sequence. A white ball typically indicated that a corresponding row had been selected, while a black ball signaled rejection. Citizens whose tokens aligned with the selected rows would then serve on juries or councils.

This system helped ensure a fair distribution of civic responsibility across different tribes and social groups. Over the course of their lives, thousands of Athenians could participate directly in governing roles. Thus, political participation was understood not merely as a privilege but as a civic duty requiring active engagement.

Regular rotation of officeholders also helped limit the emergence of entrenched political elites. Ancient historians often emphasized the active role of ordinary citizens in Athenian political life. Thucydides, in his account of Pericles’ Funeral Oration in History of the Peloponnesian War (II.37), captures this democratic ethos: “Our constitution is called a democracy because power is in the hands not of a minority but of the whole people.”

Through the kleroterion, this ideal of collective governance was translated into practical reality. Ordinary citizens could be selected to serve on juries or councils at any time. A farmer, craftsman, or merchant might suddenly find himself serving alongside fellow citizens, reinforcing civic identity and strengthening a shared sense of responsibility for the polis.

Modern classicists on the significance of the kleroterion in Ancient Athenian democracy

Modern historians have long recognized the revolutionary nature of the kleroterion system. The classical scholar M. H. Hansen writes in The Athenian Democracy in the Age of Demosthenes: “The Athenians regarded sortition as the most democratic method of selecting officials because it gave every citizen an equal chance of holding office.”

Hansen’s observation underscores how differently the Athenians understood democracy compared to most modern states. Today, democracy is commonly associated with representative elections, but in Athens, elections were often viewed as less democratic precisely because they enabled wealth, status, and rhetorical skill to dominate political life. In contrast, the kleroterion directly challenged social hierarchy by affirming that ordinary citizens were fully capable of public service.

Hansen also emphasizes that the system reflected confidence in collective civic wisdom rather than reliance on specialized expertise. Offices assigned by lot were typically short in duration, and officials were subject to scrutiny both before and after their terms of service. This structure helped reduce the risks associated with inexperience while maintaining broad participation. In practice, Athenian governance depended less on professional politicians and more on the continual rotation of citizens through public duties.

Another modern scholar, Paul Cartledge, highlights the symbolic dimension of the kleroterion in Democracy: A Life, writing: “The allotment machine was democracy made stone.” Cartledge’s phrase captures the broader cultural significance of the device. The kleroterion functioned not only as an administrative tool but also as a physical embodiment of democratic equality. Each citizen’s bronze token occupied an identical slot, with no distinction between aristocrat and laborer once the allotment process began. In this sense, the machine itself stood as a tangible symbol of political fairness and civic equality.

Ordinary citizens in public office

The kleroterion also reflected broader Greek ideas about fate, equality, and civic order. Although the use of chance in political selection may seem unusual to modern observers, the Athenians believed that sortition helped prevent factionalism and personal ambition from undermining the state. Because officeholders could not easily manipulate or predict their selection, the process reduced political competition and eased social tensions.

As historian Josiah Ober explains in his book Mass and Elite in Democratic Athens, “Lottery selection was intended to institutionalize political equality and to minimize elite domination.” Ober argues that Athenian democracy succeeded in part because it actively integrated ordinary citizens into the institutions of the state. The kleroterion was central to this integration. By opening public roles to a broad cross-section of the citizen body, it encouraged loyalty to the polis and helped reduce the alienation often associated with political exclusion.

At the same time, the system had clear limitations. Citizenship was restricted to free adult males born to Athenian parents, while women, enslaved people, and foreigners were excluded from participation. As a result, the democracy supported by the kleroterion was limited according to modern standards. Even so, within the citizen body itself, it pursued political equality to a remarkable degree. The idea that ordinary individuals could collectively govern was profoundly innovative in the ancient world.

The decline of Athenian democracy in the 4th century BC and the subsequent rise of Macedonian power led to the reduced use of institutions such as the kleroterion. Nevertheless, its intellectual legacy endured. Political philosophers and modern democratic theorists continue to debate the value of sortition, and some contemporary scholars have even proposed reintroducing forms of random selection to modern governments as a way to counter corruption, polarization, and elite dominance. In several modern democracies, citizens’ assemblies selected by lot reflect renewed interest in these ancient practices.

Archaeological evidence has further enriched modern understanding of the kleroterion. Excavated examples, now displayed in museums, reveal the advanced administrative organization of Athens. These carefully constructed stone devices demonstrate the seriousness with which democratic participation was approached. Far from being primitive or chaotic, Athenian democracy relied on highly structured procedures to ensure fairness, accountability, and broad civic involvement.

A trio of major Israeli defense contractors recently delivered their final proposal dossiers for Greece’s €3 billion ($3.5 billion) ‘Achilles Shield’ program, a sophisticated, multi-layered air, anti-ballistic, and counter-drone defense network powered by cutting-edge Israeli technology.

The proposals by Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI), its subsidiary ELTA Systems, and Rafael Advanced Defense Systems, satisfy all criteria mandated by Greece’s General Directorate for Defense Investments and Armaments (GDAEE), according to a report by newmoney.gr.

The nationwide shield stands out as one of the most critical crown jewels within Greece’s broader Long-Term Defense Procurement Program (2025–2036), which outlines an overall budget of €30 billion.

Industrial co-production

The final procurement contracts are now navigating the signature pipeline through the Ministry of National Defence (YETHA) and the General Staffs. Officials are pushing to have the program formally added to the agenda of the upcoming KYSEA session, tentatively scheduled for June 18, 2026, or the subsequent meeting in early July.

The report notes that a pivotal victory for Greek industry was securing a domestic industrial participation rate locked at a minimum of 25%, spanning both localized manufacturing and technology transfers.

The Israeli consortium has already engaged in extensive talks with domestic contractors, signing several Memorandums of Understanding (MoUs) and strategic partnerships. Industrial analysts estimate that the final domestic footprint could realistically reach 30%, backed by fully drafted proposals to establish dedicated production lines on Greek soil.

Key examples and partners already tapped for the program include:

• IAI & Hellenic Aerospace Industry (EAB): This existing partnership has already yielded results, notably the successful integration of Greece’s proprietary “Centaur” counter-drone system into the Barak weapon architecture.
• Domestic Consortium Partners: Major Greek defense, industrial, and infrastructure players have secured preliminary roles, including Metlen, Miltech, Scytalys, Akmon, Salamis Shipyards, and GEK TERNA, with the roster expected to expand over the program’s three-year rollout.
• Tactical Logistics: The specialized utility vehicles tasked with transporting the mobile defense systems will be sourced from IVECO, represented in Greece by the Syngelidis Group in partnership with Metlen.

The tech blueprint: Inside Greece’s ‘Achilles Shield’

The architecture of the shield relies on a unified, network-centric ecosystem. It is designed to seamlessly interface with Greece’s upcoming Belharra (FDI) frigates, upgraded F-16 Viper fighters, incoming F-35 stealth jets, and existing Patriot missile batteries.

The primary systems slated for integration comprise:

• IAI Barak MX: Operating as the backbone of the entire network. Utilizing three missile variants with ranges spanning 35 to 150 kilometers, it will completely phase out legacy, Cold War-era Hawk systems.
• Rafael David’s Sling: Tasked with mid-to-upper-tier interception of advanced ballistic missiles and long-range threats. This system will functionally replace the Soviet-origin S-300 systems currently in the Hellenic inventory.
• Rafael SPYDER: Providing short-to-medium range coverage (15, 20, and 40 kilometers). These mobile batteries will replace aging eastern-bloc legacy systems like the OSA-AK and TOR-M1.
• ELTA EL/M-2084 MMR Radars: These mobile, Multi-Mission Active Electronically Scanned Array (AESA) radars will overhaul the Hellenic Air Force’s Air Control System. The state-of-the-art arrays can simultaneously track up to 1,200 airborne targets at ranges up to 475 km, or up to 200 weapon ballistic trajectories within a 100 km radius.
• Greek-Built C4I Hub: The vital Command, Control, Communications, Computers, and Intelligence (C4I) architecture will be co-developed and assembled in Greece alongside domestic software and engineering firms.

 

Nuclear powers spent a record of $119 billion on arsenals in 2025, as the world’s nine nuclear-armed states significantly increased their weapons-related expenditure, according to a new report by the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN).

The figure marks a 19 percent rise from 2024, with nuclear powers spending $17 billion more than the previous year. ICAN warns that the increase reflects a broader trend that is likely to continue for decades. The report covers the United States, Russia, China, the United Kingdom, France, India, Israel, Pakistan, and North Korea.

ICAN warns of a new nuclear arms race

As per the Nobel Peace Prize-winning organization, rising geopolitical tensions are fueling what it describes as a new nuclear arms race. ICAN has also raised concerns over the possible role of artificial intelligence in nuclear decision-making, warning that AI could accelerate the process leading to the potential use of nuclear weapons.

Susie Snyder, ICAN’s program coordinator and one of the report’s authors, described the figures as deeply troubling. Speaking to Agence France-Presse, she declared it’s deeply terrifying.

US spent more than all other nuclear powers combined

The United States remained the world’s largest nuclear spender in 2025, allocating $69.2 billion to its arsenal. That was $12.4 billion more than in 2024 and more than the combined total spent by the other eight nuclear-armed states. China ranked second, with estimated spending of $13.5 billion. The United Kingdom followed with $12.6 billion, while Russia spent $9.5 billion.

According to ICAN, the nine nuclear-armed countries have spent over $470 billion on their arsenals in the past five years.

Long-term nuclear programs could last beyond 2100

The report reveals that nuclear weapons spending is expected to continue rising as countries modernize and maintain their arsenals over time. ICAN points to spending plans in the United States, the United Kingdom, and France that could necessitate billions of dollars through the end of the century. Other nuclear-armed states are also developing weapons systems designed to remain in service for decades.

In the United States, the planned Sentinel intercontinental ballistic missile program is expected to remain operational beyond 2100. Based on the report, expanded US production of plutonium pits could support nuclear warheads until at least 2120. ICAN estimates that the United States alone is expected to spend nearly $1 trillion on its nuclear arsenal between 2025 and 2034.

Report compares record spending by nuclear powers with global needs

The scale of spending, ICAN says, comes as governments face pressing global challenges, including health care, food security, and humanitarian needs. According to Snyder, the amount spent by nuclear-armed states in 2025 would have been enough to fund the United Nations budget dozens of times over. She added that a single day of nuclear weapons spending could have guaranteed food security for two million people last year.

The report argues that nuclear-armed countries are committing public resources to weapons that, according to Snyder, they “could not use without committing a war crime.” ICAN maintains that the latest figures show that nuclear weapons spending is becoming a long-term strategic priority rather than a short-term response to current global tensions.

In the coastal waters of Chania, Crete, decommissioned navy vessels are being scuttled to create Greece’s first highly regulated, wreck-based scuba diving park.

The ambitious underwater project by the municipality of Apokoronou at Omprogialos already features 44 deployed artificial reefs alongside the decommissioned Hellenic Navy vessel Nestor. On Wednesday, the park adds its newest centerpiece: the decommissioned naval ship A/B Folegandros, which is scheduled to be scuttled using controlled explosive charges.

Θάλασσα Χανίων
Το ανατίναξαν για καλό σκοπό…
Στον Ομπρόσγιαλο Χανίων δημιουργείται το πρώτο οργανωμένο καταδυτικό πάρκο της Ελλάδας.
Μετά τους 44 τεχνητούς υφάλους και το «Νέστωρ», βυθίζεται σήμερα το παροπλισμένο «Α/Β Φολέγανδρος» σε βάθος περίπου 25 μέτρων. pic.twitter.com/OjcV1SIXvY

— Αντώνης Νταλακογεώργος (@Adalakogeorgos) June 10, 2026

Hellenic Coast Guard vessels and an elite Navy Underwater Demolition Command (OYK) unit are currently on-site overseeing the operation. Following detonation, the vessel will settle on the seabed at a depth of approximately 25 meters (82 feet).

To ensure public safety, maritime authorities have enacted stringent security measures across the broader Ompros Gialos sea area. A strict multi-kilometer exclusion zone has been established, completely banning the approach, anchoring, or transit of any vessel within a one-kilometer radius of the scuttling site. The Hellenic Coast Guard has been actively patrolling the perimeter since the early hours of the morning and will maintain surveillance until the operation is fully finalized.

A scuba diving park

The scuttling of the Folegandros is a pivotal step toward finalizing the Apokoronou Diving Park, a cornerstone project in the region’s strategic push to develop high-end, niche tourism markets. The diving park, which will be owned and operated directly by the Municipality of Apokoronas, features three distinct underwater routes designed for varying exploration levels:

• Route 1: The Eco-Trail — Navigating through the network of 44 artificial reefs, submerged at a highly accessible depth of 9 to 10 meters (30–33 feet)
• Route 2: The Nestor Wreck — Centered around the previously scuttled Hellenic Navy ship
• Route 3: The Folegandros Deep Wreck — Descending to the newly scuttled vessel at 25 meters, geared toward intermediate and advanced divers

A catalyst for alternative tourism

Local officials aim to have the diving park fully operational by the end of the current 2026 tourism season.

Hailed as one of the most significant alternative tourism infrastructures in Chania and the wider island of Crete, the park is projected to become a premier hotspot for international and domestic diving enthusiasts. Beyond the economic boost, this dedicated “shipwreck museum” is designed to act as a marine sanctuary, generating a highly positive ecological footprint by fostering localized marine biodiversity and promoting sustainable eco-tourism in the Aegean.

Related: Greece’s Ten Best Scuba Diving Spots

Water loss in parts of Greece’s aging water networks exceeds 50 percent, according to a new analysis by EY-Parthenon, highlighting the urgent need for infrastructure upgrades and a new approach to water management.

The report warns that climate pressures, prolonged drought, declining water reserves, and outdated infrastructure are pushing Greece’s water sector to a critical turning point.

Greece’s water networks are now increasingly viewed as core national infrastructure with direct implications for economic stability, environmental protection, and long-term public planning.

A loss of over 50% in some of Greece’s aging water networks

According to EY-Parthenon, the global strategy consulting arm of Ernst & Young (EY), water losses across Greek networks exceed 30 to 40 percent in many cases, while certain areas face losses of over 50 percent. The high losses reflect aging infrastructure, insufficient maintenance, limited monitoring of water flows and consumption data, and the need for more efficient management systems.

The analysis also notes that water reuse remains extremely limited in Greece, at around two percent. At the same time, irrigation accounts for approximately 85 percent of total water consumption. More than 70 percent of irrigation water comes from underground reserves, which highlights the need for more efficient resource use and a more pronounced shift toward circular water management.

Fragmented water sector faces growing pressure in Greece

EY-Parthenon identifies fragmentation as one of the main weaknesses of Greece’s water management sector. The market includes 129 municipal water and sewage companies, more than 450 irrigation organizations, and a broad network of local authorities. This dispersed operating model makes coordination harder, limits economies of scale, and slows modernization projects.

The challenge becomes more urgent as the sector faces increasing demands related to resilience, governance, service quality, and regulatory compliance. Numerous smaller providers remain under financial pressure, as revenue from water bills often does not fully cover operating costs or support major infrastructure investments.

Greece’s water infrastructure needs reach €10 billion

Although the sector faces serious structural problems, EY-Parthenon sees significant room for investment in Greece’s water market. The country’s medium- and long-term infrastructure needs stand at around €10 billion ($11.5 billion). Meanwhile, Greece’s two largest water companies have planned or ongoing investments that exceed €3 billion ($3.46 billion).

These investments focus on network upgrades, expansion, modernization, and efficiency improvements. According to the report, investor confidence in the sector also continues to rise, as shown by the recent market performance of listed companies operating in the water industry.

New rules could reshape Greece’s aging water networks

Changes in Greece’s regulatory framework could further transform the sector. The expanded role of the Regulatory Authority for Waste, Energy and Water (RAAEY), stricter European obligations on wastewater management, and efforts to reduce fragmentation are shifting reform from discussion to implementation.

These changes create opportunities, but they also impose new requirements on water providers. They call for greater transparency, more rigorous reporting obligations, improved accountability, and more reliable long-term planning. EY-Parthenon emphasizes that the sector’s future challenges are not only technical. They also involve financial sustainability, pricing policies, digital transformation, investment priorities, and cooperation between public and private stakeholders.

When ancient Greek geographer Pausanias sat down to rest beneath the shade of the giant vine, he was unaware it was probably the oldest in the world.

It was approximately 160 AD when Pausanias (110-180 AD) enjoyed the shade of the ancient vine (Vitis vinifera) in the modern-day Peloponnesian community of Sella Pagrati on the Tripoli-Kalavryta national highway.

Today, the Vine of Pausanias is a tourist attraction on the border of the Arcadia and Achaia prefectures within the courtyard of the Agios Nikolaos church. According to agriculturalists, it is estimated to be about three thousand years old.

In the book, Food and History, Vol 11 (pp. 27-34) by Boursiquot, Lacombe, Laucou, and Bakasietas, there is a description of the ancient Greek vine:

“In order to contribute to the development of knowledge on the ampelographic heritage and the viticultural genetic resources of Greece, we have characterized the so-called ‘Pausanias’ vine at the ampelographic and molecular level. This vine is located in the center of the Peloponnese (village of Pagrati, Prefecture of Achaia). It is named and listed under the name of ‘Vine of Pausanias,’ Greek geographer of the 2nd century AD, even if its origin and its real age are not really known. The results of the analyses show that it is not an ancient Greek grape variety but a lambrusca (Vitis vinifera subsp. sylvestris), whose specificity lies in the fact that the strain has been maintained naturally for a very long time, and probably for several centuries, without any particular human intervention. In this respect, and by its spectacular development, it is certainly a unique and quite exceptional example.”

Although it blooms every May, the vine no longer produces fruit. It is about 100 meters (328 feet) long and has 9 shoots (trunks), which spread in a grove of hollow oak bushes (Quercus coccifera). Many of its branches have even climbed the oak bushes. It should be noted that, according to the villagers, many of the shoots were cut by the Germans during the 1941-1944 Occupation.

Pausanias went for the trout

In his book Arcadika (8.21.2), Pausanias claims he had visited the area to see if the rumor that the trout of the Aroanios River sang like the song thrush bird was true: “…here the fish of the Aroanios River are so delicious that they sing like thrushes.” (Greek: “εἰσὶ δὲ ἰχθῦς ἐν τῷ Ἀροανίῳ καὶ ἄλλοι καὶ οἱ ποικιλίαι καλούμενοι: τούτους λέγουσι τοὺς ποικιλίας φθέγγεσθαι κίχλῃ τῇ ὄρνιθι ἐοικός.”)

The ancient Greek geographer discovered that local gourmands had a metaphor to describe the flavorful Aroanios River trout. Later on, he sought the shade of the vine, which he found impressive. The villagers hosted him, providing him with a trout meal and offering him water from the nearby spring.

Ancient legends connect the Vine of Pausanias with the third of the twelve labors of Heracles, which was to capture the Ceryneian Hind, the golden-horned deer sacred to Artemis. According to the legend, while the hero was on the hunt for the deer, it reached the vine, and its long horns became tangled, enabling Heracles to capture it. Due to this myth, the location of the Vine of Pausanias had also been named Kynigari (Greek: Κυνηγάρι), meaning “hunting place” in Greek.

Protected national monument

The vine was declared a Protected Natural Monument in 1975 (Government Gazette 738/B/1975). Regarding the vine’s physical condition, the scientific committee of the ECOCITY NGO estimates that the original trunks of the plant have disappeared due to the natural deterioration of time, while their remaining lower parts, which are one to one and a half meters high and at least 50 centimeters in diameter, have dried out.

Many other shoots have emerged from the numerous branches of the roots, climbing the tree-like oak bush forms. However, ECOCITY estimates that the condition of these “trunk shoots” seems almost hopeless, suggesting that the unique natural monument could potentially permanently disappear after about three thousand years.

To avoid destruction of the Vine of Pausanias, ECOCITY has long since forwarded a request to the competent services responsible for its preservation and maintenance. This in relation to the desired cooperation with the Viticulture and Arboriculture Laboratories of the Agricultural University of Athens so that they may take immediate action to improve the vine’s physical condition and prevent its complete demise.

In May 2014, with permission granted by the Ministry of Environment, Energy, and Climate Change, the members of the scientific committee of the Western Greece Sector of ECOCITY visited the Vine of Pausanias. They extracted samples from the trunks to determine precise dating. The team consisted of foresters and agriculturalists who then sent the samples to the head of the Archaeometry Laboratory of the NCSR “Demokritos.”

Unique and distinctive genotype

Genetic analysis of the Vine of Pausanias was carried out. Twenty microsatellite markers distributed throughout the genome were studied for this purpose, and comparison with 119 Greek varieties and 762 species of wild vines was performed.

The comparison to all the varieties in the Vassal collection (over 3000) proved that the vine’s profile is of a unique and distinctive genotype.

Its age is estimated to be several centuries old, but the number cannot be definitively determined. Its flowers are only ‘male,’ meaning the vine is not fruit-bearing.

Compared to other representatives of Vitis vinifera, wild or cultivated, that exist today in the world, the Vine of Pausanias is of a particularly original genotype, probably resulting from a limited number of sexual generations which have also undergone only few cycles of vegetative multiplication. In this regard, it is certainly a fascinating model for studies on the evolution and dynamics of the vine genome.

Most people today know of the Colossus of Rhodes as one of the Seven Wonders of the Ancient World, but there are many little-known facts about the masterpiece that may surprise you.

The ancient island of Rhodes, the kállistin (best) of the Greek cities as historians like to call it, has long attracted the attention of the world due to its beautiful beaches, rich history, and advanced civilization that stretches far back in time.

Rhodes was a city with philosophical and other schools, conservatories, markets, stadiums, harbors, and at least 3,000 public statues.

The masterpiece of all, though, was the Colossus of Rhodes, built between 292 to 280 BC. The huge bronze statue was about 30 meters (98.4 feet) tall and portrayed the god of the Sun, Helios.

The construction of the Colossus lasted for 12 years, but the statue was destroyed a few decades later in 226 BC by an earthquake.

Lesser known facts about the Colossus of Rhodes

The Colossus of Rhodes and the Statue of Liberty

Both monuments were built as symbols of freedom, and people have made the connection between both statues since the Statue of Liberty was created.

The Statue of Liberty has been referred to as the “Modern Colossus” and stands just a little higher at 34 meters (111.5 feet) tall.

There is also a plaque inside the pedestal of the Statue of Liberty that is inscribed with a sonnet title “The New Colossus, not like the brazen giant of Greek fame.”

The debate about the statue’s feet

There has been a debate among historians about whether the statue was standing with one foot on either side of the Rhodes harbor.

Some have discounted this theory and believe that he stood in a more usual Greek statue pose on one side of the harbor.

If the Colossus of Rhodes was built with its legs straddling the harbor, then the harbor would have had to have been closed for 12 years for the initial construction, and then it would have once again been blocked for years when the statue fell.

The statue has an iron skeleton

The statue was actually built with an iron frame like a skeleton over which the Rhodians placed carved and sculptured brass plates to create the outer structure of Helios, creating his muscle and skin.

Chares of Lindos designed the Colossus of Rhodes

We owe the design of the Colossus of Rhodes to Chares of Lindos. Chares was a student of the famous sculptor Lysippus, who had previously created a 19-meter (62 foot) tall statue of Zeus.

The metal used to construct the statue later scrapped, sold

In the 7th century A.D., the Arabs conquered Rhodes and dismantled any remnant of the Colossus of Rhodes after it was toppled by an earthquake and later sold the once beautiful statue as scrap metal.

It took approximately 900 camels to carry away all the scrap metal.

Was the destruction of the Colossus the will of the gods?

Finally, Ptolemy III, the king of Egypt, offered to pay for the Colossus’ reconstruction, but the Rhodians refused because they believed that Helios, having been angered by the construction of the statue, was the one who caused the earthquake that destroyed it.

By Tony Cross

Greece and its geology are a wonder of nature, with the nation a paradise blessed with high mountains, blue seas, and over six thousand islands. But it’s all a big geological accident, the result of millions of years of violent earth movements on a planetary scale.

Geology in Greece: in the beginning…

The story of Greece and its geology begins around 250 million years ago when the continents had all come together into one single land mass that geologists call Pangea.

The area that would one day become Greece lay on the southern shore of what would eventually become Europe and on the northern edge of a great ocean called Tethys. On the southern edge of Tethys lay the continent that would one day become Africa.

The Earth’s crust is not all the same, nor is it a single unit. The crust making up the continents is very thick—30 km to 40 km (18.6 to 24.85 miles) thick—and thicker still under mountain ranges. The crust under the oceans is quite thin, however, at only around 7 km (4.3 miles) thick.

In addition, the crust is not one single unit but is broken up into various-sized chunks known as tectonic plates. These plates move relative to one another because they are literally floating on the deformable layer of the upper mantle beneath them in much the same way that a ship floats on the sea.

In some places, these plates are moving together, and where oceanic crust is pushed into continental crust, the thinner oceanic crust is forced beneath the thicker continental crust and down into the mantle, where it begins to sink and melt. Geologists call this type of plate boundary a subduction zone.

The Greek landscape and geology that we see today is here because of a subduction zone. Without it, Greece would simply not exist.

The compressive phase

Around 150 million years ago, the great continent of Pangea started to break up. The African plate began to move northwards, and the Tethys Ocean started to shrink. The northwards movement of Africa meant that the oceanic crust beneath Tethys was subducted under the southern edge of the continental crust of Europe.

As the oceanic crust under Tethys slid beneath the continental crust of Europe, all of the rocks that had formed on the ocean floor over many millions of years were scraped off by the leading edge of the European continent. These rock scrapings, which would have been hundreds of meters thick and many kilometers long, were piled up one on top of the other on the southern edge of Europe.

This rock pile (geologists call it a nappe) was likely many kilometers thick in the end. It contained all the rocks that would eventually form Greece’s geology all piled up in the same place.

The photo shown here is of a large sea cliff near Kavousi on Crete. The rocks on the left are a gray color with clearly defined horizontal layers. Those on the right are a greenish brown color with a nearly vertical layering. Clearly, this cliff is composed of two very different rock types.

The rocks on the left are limestones while those on the right are phyllites. The compressional forces of the subduction zone forced the phyllites over and on top of the limestones. The junction between the two (known as a thrust fault) lies roughly in the center of the picture, running diagonally up from right to left.

Millions of years of weathering and erosion have ground both sets of rocks down so that to the casual observer today, they appear to be a single unit.

The tensional phase

Around 65 million years ago, the continent of Africa finally collided with the continent of Europe and closed the Tethys Ocean forever. It would eventually be reborn as the Mediterranean Sea.

When two continental plates come together, there is no subduction since they are both too thick. Instead, the continents themselves are deformed, and mountains are created. In the west, this collision formed the Alpine mountains while in it formed the Balkan mountains in the east.

In these mountain areas, the continental collision destroyed the subduction zone, but in the area in between, where modern Greece lies, the subduction zone remained active.

Even though Africa could no longer move northwards as fast as was previously the case, the oceanic plate in the area of Greece was still sinking into the mantle. As it sank, the subduction zone itself rolled back southwards. This rollback of the subduction zone put the nappe pile under enormous tension.

When rocks are placed under tension, they break, causing normal faults. One side of the fault moves downwards on a sloping surface to relieve the tension. Normal faults often occur in parallel and in swarms leaving alternating areas of high ground with lower ground in between.

The rollback of the subduction zone caused massive parallel swarms of normal faults in the nappe pile. Because the subduction zone is fixed in the east and in the west, the rollback created an arc that is ever expanding as the rollback progresses.

The photo above is of a small section of the north wall of the Corinth Canal. The rocks here are nicely layered; we can see yellow, white, red, and black layers.

The two diagonal lines in these rocks are normal faults, breaks in the rocks caused by tensional forces due to the rollback of the subduction zone. The rocks to the right of each fault have dropped down relative to the rocks on the left; this is clearly visible in the displacement of the colored layers of rock.

The total vertical displacement here is only a few meters, but in the massive regional faulting that shaped Greece and its geology, displacements are measured in kilometers.

The modern topography of Greece

Looking at a topographical map of Greece today, you can see how a subduction zone, starting roughly in the area of the north Aegean and rolling back southwards in an expanding arc would create the “ripped” and “torn” appearance of Greece today. You can also see how regional faulting created the alternating series of high mountain ranges and islands, with lower plains or sea in between.

The Pindus Mountains, for example, the backbone of mainland Greece, run southeastward in a gently curving arc. On both sides are lower plains. These mountains, like so many others in Greece, are bounded by massive regional faults.

The expanding arc of the subduction zone caused extensive local faulting, too. On Crete, for example, all of the mountain ranges are bounded by faults. They stand tall because the ground around them has dropped due to faulting. Such local, fault-bounded structures are widespread in Greece.

What about the volcanoes?

There are many volcanoes in Greece—on Santorini, Milos, Nisiros, Methana, and Sousaki among others. Some are active, like Santorini; most are dormant, like Milos, and one or two are extinct, like Sousaki.

If you look closely, all the Greek volcanoes sit on an arc that parallels the arc of the subduction zone but is north of it by about 100 km.

As the oceanic plate is subducted deep into the mantle, it begins to melt. Magma from the melting plate rises to the surface where it erupts, forming volcanoes.

The hot springs of Thermoplyae (of Spartan fame) sit at one end of this volcanic arc; the hot springs of Pamukkale in Turkey sit at the other. In between are all the Greek volcanoes, formed above the spot where, deep in the mantle, the subducted oceanic crust is melting.

Greece’s geology continues to change

The subduction zone today runs in a great arc down the western side of the Ionian Islands, around the Peloponnese and south of Crete, and then curves up northwards again past Kasos, Karpathos, and Rhodes.

Greece and its geology as we see these today are not an end point, however; this is simply the way things are right now.

The subduction zone is still active, and the oceanic plate is still descending as Africa creeps northward. The subduction zone is still rolling back, and the arc is still expanding. That’s why we have so many earthquakes in Greece—we’re still being torn apart by tectonic forces.

We don’t need to worry about this too much though, as these geological processes happen on a timescale that is measured in millions of years. Chances are, that beautiful Greek beach in the travel brochure will still be there when you arrive.

The Mayor of Milos, Manolis Mikelis, has issued a fierce warning against new central government legislation and aggressive corporate development, which he claims threaten to permanently disfigure one of Greece’s most visually distinct islands.

Mikelis extensively critiqued Greece’s proposed tourism zoning framework, accusing the central government of bureaucratic negligence and creating legal loopholes that favor wealthy international funds while systematically locking out local residents.

Corporate development that excludes islanders on Milos

At the heart of the crisis is a newly introduced tourism spatial plan, released online by the Ministry of Tourism. The legislation establishes strict minimum land requirements for the construction of new hotels, setting the threshold at 8, 12, or 16 stremmata (approximately 2 to 4 acres) depending on the specific zone.

Mikelis points out that because land ownership on Milos is historically fragmented, with local families generally owning plots of only 4 to 6 stremmata (about 1-1.5 acres), the law effectively bars residents from developing small, independent hospitality businesses.

“Consequently, it allows the big funds and the rich who have too much money to come in, forcing locals to sell off their property just so these businesses can operate for only seven months a year,” Mikelis warned in speaking to Greek Reporter.

The Mayor also expressed deep concern that the central government plans to issue a legislative decree to retroactively amnesty existing illegal corporate constructions. “That is the goal, and that is what we see happening,” he said, adding that his office is actively trying to block a recent influx of newly issued building permits from being executed.

Environmental violations at Sarakiniko and Mytakas

The local administration has recently been forced to take emergency legal action following severe environmental violations in some of the island’s most ecologically sensitive regions.

In the Kaminia/Sarakiniko area, an investor engaged in illegal excavations directly adjacent to the beach, destroying ancient fossils verified by the Goulandris Museum. Despite public administration inspectors declaring the project “100% illegal,” the developer ignored government-mandated restoration deadlines with zero consequences.

Meanwhile, in Mytakas, an extension of Sarakiniko’s famous lunar-like volcanic landscapes, a large development company purchased an existing hotel with plans to construct a massive 271-bed complex featuring one hundred private swimming pools.

According to municipal records, the developer illegally excavated and shipped out eleven shiploads of pozzolan (volcanic ash) to cement factories. Local authorities intervened only when bulldozers began moving toward the public shoreline. “We went to the Supreme Court (Council of State) and we are waiting for the final decision,” Mikelis stated. “A temporary revocation of the permit has been issued, and we are awaiting the final ruling.”

The fight for the “syrmata”

Beyond environmental destruction, Mikelis is fighting a bureaucratic battle to preserve the island’s unique cultural heritage: the syrmata. These are traditional, vibrantly colored fishermen’s structures carved directly into the seaside volcanic rock across coastal villages like Klima, Mandrakia, and Fourkovouni.

The municipality is pushing for strict architectural guidelines to ensure all 350 existing structures are protected and repaired using traditional methods despite a lack of formal state recognition.

“The syrmata were the cultural heritage of this place, showing the life of people 150 years ago,” Mikelis explained. “In order to survive, they made a hole in the rocks to store their boat and their fishing equipment so they could live off fishing and survive during the Axis occupation and long before it.”

The Mayor noted that the term originates either from dragging (syrsimo) boats into the caves, or from historical lookouts who would shout “Syrma, syrma!” (“Watch out!”) to warn workers of approaching gendarmes, as the structures were originally built without formal permits. “Venice exists inside the water, yet we as a state cannot recognize these areas as special urban settlements,” Mikelis lamented.

A united front against corporate overdevelopment

The conflict highlights a growing rift between local municipalities and the central government. In 2023, Milos completed a comprehensive local zoning plan (SCHOOAP) designed to protect its environmentally-sensitive Natura-designated areas. However, the central government overturned the environmental study to accommodate high-value corporate investments.

Speaking to Greek Reporter, Mikelis described the Ministry’s overriding framework as a “death knell” for the local small entrepreneurs who built the island’s reputation. Instead of smaller rooms tailored to the island’s cultural scale, legal loopholes are being exploited to construct massive 300-bed luxury resorts that block public beach access.

The cash-strapped municipality is currently diverting vast public funds toward legal fees to fight these investments in court, explicitly pointing to neighboring Cycladic islands that have already been devastated by anarchic overdevelopment.

Milos is not fighting alone. Mikelis concluded by vowing to form a united front with other Greek island mayors to force a rewriting of the national tourism framework. “We will use every legal remedy to convince the people who wrote these unacceptable laws not to destroy our land any further,” Mikelis said. “Our destinations shouldn’t last for just ten years and then be degraded because the beauty and unique characteristics of our islands were destroyed. Together with other mayors, we are coordinating to make our voice stronger, ensuring longevity so that when someone pays to travel here from America, Australia, or Europe, they can still find and visit these rare beauties.”

Greece and Turkey have established a permanent cultural forum to strengthen bilateral cooperation in cultural heritage, museums, research, education, and new technologies, creating a new institutional framework for dialogue between the two countries.

The Greece-Türkiye Cultural Forum was formally established last week through a Joint Declaration signed by Greek Culture Minister Lina Mendoni and Turkish Culture and Tourism Minister Mehmet Nuri Ersoy during the forum’s inaugural session in Cappadocia. Under the agreement, the forum will meet regularly in both countries and serve as a platform for exchanging expertise and developing joint initiatives. “Culture is perhaps the deepest and most enduring field of communication between our societies,” Mendoni said.

The forum is the latest outcome of efforts to strengthen Greek-Turkish relations following the Athens Declaration on Friendship and Good Neighbourly Relations signed by Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis and President Recep Tayyip Erdogan in December 2023. It also builds on a Memorandum of Cultural Cooperation signed by the two culture ministers during the 6th Supreme Cooperation Council in Ankara.

Heritage protection and cultural cooperation between Greece and Turkey

During the forum, Mendoni outlined Greece’s approach to heritage protection, noting that Greek legislation safeguards all monuments equally—ancient, Byzantine, Ottoman, post-Byzantine and modern—regardless of their religious or cultural origin. She also stated that all are incorporated into the country’s cultural routes and tourism networks.

Furthermore, the forum featured presentations by officials and experts from both countries on the restoration and conservation of Byzantine and Ottoman monuments, heritage management, historical research, and the use of new technologies in the cultural sector. Discussions also focused on combating the illicit trafficking of cultural goods, an area in which Greece and Turkey have cooperated since signing a bilateral protocol in 2013.

“The exchange of information, the cooperation of competent services and the use of international mechanisms are crucial tools for effectively combating the illegal trafficking of cultural goods and securing their return to their place of origin,” Mendoni said. The Joint Declaration also highlights the importance of digitalization and improving public access to cultural resources through digital technologies, while encouraging closer cooperation in the use of emerging technologies in heritage management.

On the sidelines of the forum, Mendoni thanked Ersoy for Turkey’s support at UNESCO’s Intergovernmental Committee regarding the return of the Parthenon Sculptures. She noted that his confirmation that no Ottoman document ever authorized Lord Elgin’s removal of the sculptures strengthens the international case for their reunification in Athens.

Related: Turkey Deals Blow on the UK’s Legal Claim For the Parthenon Marbles

Greece’s Parliament has passed a major migration bill that officially integrates the European Union’s new Pact on Asylum and Migration into domestic law. The legislation introduces stringent measures to overhaul border controls, expedite asylum applications, and fast-track the deportation of individuals whose asylum claims have been rejected.

A central element of this new framework is the establishment of offshore “return hubs.” These are transit centers located in non-EU countries where rejected asylum seekers will be transferred if their countries of origin refuse or delay their repatriation.

Minister Plevris on “return hubs” and negotiations

Migration Minister Thanos Plevris clarified that these hubs will not operate outside the law, emphasizing: “These centers will operate within the framework of European Union agreements with third countries and under the guarantees of European and international law.”

Greece is spearheading this initiative alongside Germany, Denmark, Austria, and the Netherlands. The coalition aims to sign their first bilateral agreements later this year so the hubs can become fully operational in 2027. Minister Plevris revealed that advanced talks are already underway. “The Greek government has already been in consultations with two African countries,” he stated.

The Minister also noted that these hubs are a vital tool for Greece, as partner nations frequently experience secondary migration flows—meaning migrants who initially crossed into Europe via Greek territory. He added:

“The creation of a more effective European return mechanism can act synthetically with the existing system and offer an additional innovative tool both to Greece and the remaining member states for managing returns.”

Voluntary returns and stricter detention policies

The new law expands administrative detention, increases surveillance on individuals awaiting deportation, and speeds up removals in coordination with Frontex. Minister Plevris stated that the strict new framework “is already starting to produce tangible results.”

According to Plevris, voluntary returns handled via the International Organization for Migration (IOM) have already increased by 25% since the new measures were introduced, with hundreds of undocumented individuals coming forward to express their intent to return home.

The changing migration numbers in Greece

Minister Plevris linked the accelerated asylum processes and rigid enforcement directly to a steep decline in illegal border crossings, noting that proper returns and secure borders are inherently connected: “These figures confirm that the effective management of returns, the acceleration of asylum procedures, and border protection are interconnected pillars of a cohesive migration policy.”

To demonstrate the shifting impact, Plevris provided specific data comparing past crises to current trends. Under the previous administration between 2015 and 2019, Greece saw a massive wave of 1,215,280 irregular arrivals. Since 2019, that number has dropped significantly to 197,651 total arrivals.

Furthermore, during the first five months of 2026, nationwide arrivals saw a further 31% decrease, with arrivals in the Aegean Sea plunging by 65%. However, localized pressure remains. Over the past two years, for instance, the southern islands of Crete and Gavdos have experienced a sharp rise in migrant boats arriving from Libya.

The efficiency of processing has also changed. Pending asylum applications in Greece have plummeted by roughly 80%, dropping from 142,000 in 2019 to just 28,000 today. At the same time, stricter evaluation standards have caused the international protection approval rate to fall from 71.5% to 40.7%.

Two key pillars of the new legislation

Mandatory Border Screening: Before a migrant is legally considered to have entered EU territory, they must undergo a mandatory pre-entry screening at the border. This process includes identity verification, biometric data capture, security and health checks, and cross-referencing information via the upgraded Eurodac database to track migrant movements across the EU.

Fast-Track Asylum Evaluation: The law establishes much tighter deadlines to eliminate years of bureaucratic delays. Applications flagged as “manifestly unfounded,” particularly those submitted by nationals of countries with historically low asylum approval rates, will face rapid, border-adjacent evaluations and immediate rejection.

A major international ranking has highlighted eleven Greek scientists who have made it into the global elite of research. Spanning institutions from Stanford and Columbia to the University of Crete, these researchers are recognized among the top 1,000 scientists worldwide in their respective fields.

This prestigious list is compiled annually by Research.com, a prominent educational platform and academic research portal. To compile these rankings, Research.com analyzes data from millions of scientists globally, evaluating their career achievements based heavily on a standard academic metric called the h-index.

The h-index is a metric used to measure both the productivity (how much they publish) and the impact (how often other scientists cite their work) of a researcher.

The top 11 Greek scientists

Here is a summary of the researchers making waves in the global scientific community:

1. John Ioannidis (Stanford University)

A professor of medicine at Stanford and one of the world’s most-cited scientists. He is a pioneer in “meta-research”—the study of scientific methods themselves to improve the quality and reliability of research.

2. George Yancopoulos (Regeneron Pharmaceuticals)

Yancopoulos is a top biomedical scientist and the billionaire co-founder of Regeneron. He is highly recognized for developing life-saving monoclonal antibody treatments, notably used to combat viruses like Ebola.

3. Tom Maniatis (Columbia University)

Maniatis is a pioneer in molecular biology and biotechnology who revolutionized gene cloning techniques. His current research focuses on comprehending the molecular mechanisms behind neurodegenerative diseases such as amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS), or Lou Gehrig’s disease.

4. Christos Pantelis (University of Melbourne)

Pantelis is a professor of psychiatry who heads the Melbourne Neuropsychiatry Centre. He is a global leader in using brain imaging to study the development and structural changes associated with schizophrenia.

5. Nicholas Peppas (University of Texas at Austin)

A chemical and biomedical engineer known as the father of modern drug delivery systems, he pioneered the development of hydrogels used in oral drug delivery, contact lenses, and tissue engineering.

6. Constantinos Stoumpos (University of Crete)

One of the three researchers on the list based entirely in Greece, Stoumpos is a materials chemist specializing in halide perovskites, which are highly efficient materials used to advance next-generation solar cells and electronics.

7. Costas Soukoulis (Iowa State University / FORTH)

Soukoulis is a physicist who split his career between the US and Greece. He is world-renowned for his groundbreaking research on metamaterials—artificial materials engineered to manipulate light and sound waves in ways natural materials cannot.

8. Spyros Pandis (University of Patras / FORTH)

A chemical engineering professor based in Greece, Pandis is an international authority on atmospheric chemistry and air pollution, focusing on how airborne particulate matter affects both human health and global climate change.

9. Eleni Diamanti (CNRS / Sorbonne University)

A physicist based in France who is a leading researcher in quantum cryptography, Diamanti develops secure quantum communication networks and protocols to protect data from future cyber threats.

10. George Paxinos (NeuRA / University of New South Wales)

Paxinos is a world-famous neuroscientist based in Australia who mapped the human and animal brain. His highly detailed brain atlases are universally utilized by neurosurgeons and medical researchers worldwide to identify specific brain structures.

11. Gerasimos Rassias (University of Patras)

An organic chemist based in Greece whose research focuses on developing new chemical synthesis methods, his work helps streamline the creation of complex molecules used to manufacture new pharmaceuticals and advanced materials.

The massacre at Distomo remains to this day one of the most heinous crimes the Nazis committed against innocent women and children just months before the German occupying forces pulled out of Greece.

On June 10, 1944, Fritz Laufenbach, captain of the 2nd company of the 1st battalion of the 7th SS armored regiment, was ordered to move his troops from Livadia to Distomo, Steiri and Kyriaki to locate guerrillas on the western side of Helicon Mountain.

This move by the German soldiers was in retaliation for several troops whom the Greek Resistance had killed. As bait, the Nazis had used two Greek civilian trucks filled with SS men disguised as villagers. The two trucks were moving ahead of the main phalanx.

At the same time, the 10th and 11th Amphissa companies of the 3rd Battalion were directed to Distomo to meet the 2nd company. The German troops met outside Distomo without finding any resistance fighters, save for eighteen children hiding near the village. Six of the children who tried to escape were executed.

The Germans entered Distomo, and after intimidating the villagers, they discovered that there were Greek guerrillas at Steiri. The 2nd company headed toward the village, and at Litharaki near Steiri, they were ambushed by fighters from the ELAS resistance group.

The battle at Steiri was so bloody that the Germans were forced to retreat. Approximately forty of them were killed.

Cold-blooded massacre at Distomo

After the casualties they had suffered at Steiri, the Nazis entered Distomo with a clear intention of retaliation for their losses. The cold-blooded massacre of everyone they found in the village then began.

They went from door to door, killing anyone in sight. Their fury was such that they were careless about whether they killed women or children. The slaughter lasted into the night until the Nazi troops had to return to Livadia. However, they did not leave before burning the entire village to the ground.

According to survivors describing the atrocities, SS soldiers bayoneted babies in their cribs, stabbed pregnant women, and beheaded the village priest.

However, the Germans did not stop at Distomo. The executions continued all the way back to their base, as they killed any civilian they encountered on the way. The death count in Distomo amounted to 228 of which 117 were women and 111 men while 53 were children under the age of sixteen.

According to the testimony of International Red Cross Swiss envoy George Wehrly, who arrived in Distomo a few days later, about six hundred people were killed by the Nazis in the wider region.

Haunting pictures from Distomo

A few months after the Distomo massacre, LIFE magazine published a haunting report on the Nazi atrocity. Under the headline “What the Germans did to Greece,” the US magazine interviewed survivors and published photos of the town in ruins.

Among the survivors was Maria Padiska, who came to be known as the “Woman of Distomo.” She passed away in March 2009 at the age of 84.

Her photo adorns the Museum of the Victims of Nazism, located at the entrance of Distomo. The museum was founded in 2005 at the site of the old primary school. It was inaugurated by then President of the Hellenic Republic Carolos Papoulias.

The total area of the museum, which is roughly about 200 square meters, is divided into two levels. On the first floor, one can see photos of all the victims, and there is also a special area with photos of the ossuary, which is located intact at the Mausoleum on Kanales Hill of Distomo.

The museum also holds historical issues of newspapers and magazines of the time with related articles, photographs, and documents.

Greek women are having their first children later than ever. The average age of first-time mothers in Greece reached 31.2 years in 2024, according to new data from Eurostat. The figure places Greece well above the European Union average of 29.9 years and among the highest in the bloc.

That number marks a sharp climb over two decades. In 2001, the average age at which Greek women had their first child stood at 27.7 years. It crossed 30 for the first time in 2014. By 2021, it had surpassed 31. Since then, Greece’s first-time mothers have continued aging upward year by year.

The country’s standing in Europe reflects a broader pattern. Italy posted the highest first-birth age in the EU at 31.9 in 2024, followed by Luxembourg at 31.6 and Spain at 31.5.

Greece, at 31.2, sits alongside Ireland at the same level, within a cluster of countries where having a first child after 30 has become the standard.

First-time mothers in Greece having their firstborn at the age of 31

The age at all births, not just the first, has moved in the same direction. Greek women averaged 32.2 years at childbirth in 2024, up from 29.3 in 2001. Over those two decades, the average rose by nearly three years. The EU average for all births stood at 31.3 in 2024, placing Greece notably above it.

In the EU, the mean age of women at the birth of their first child was 29.9 years in 2024. ⁠
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— EU_Eurostat (@EU_Eurostat) June 7, 2026

These numbers in Greece sit against a wider backdrop of declining fertility across Europe. The EU’s total fertility rate dropped to a record low of 1.34 live births per woman in 2024, down from 1.46 in 2022 and from 1.57 in 2008.

Eurostat notes that a rate of 2.1 is the level required to sustain a population without migration. A rate below 1.3 carries the label “lowest-low fertility.”

Greece remains among the EU countries yet to recover above that threshold, alongside Spain, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Poland, Finland, and Estonia.

EU fertility hits record low, Greece still below threshold

The broader birth count tells the same story. The EU recorded 3.55 million births in 2024, compared to 6.8 million at the peak in 1964. That figure has fallen by roughly half over six decades.

For Greece, the Eurostat data makes the direction clear. Women in the country are becoming mothers for the first time at a later age than at any point on record, and the gap between Greece and the EU average continues to widen.

The very air we breathe here in Greece, the same air that ancient philosophers inhaled, often seems to carry ideas that still intrigue modern minds. And among them, few are as stubbornly persistent and as profoundly unsettling as that ancient riddle that became known by Epicurus.

The question that has endured throughout millennia, posing a challenge to both theologians and laypeople, is referred to as the Epicurean paradox, more commonly recognized as the Problem of Evil. It asks, plainly and simply, how a truly good, all-powerful God can exist alongside a world so utterly overflowing with suffering.

This conundrum has sparked numerous theological and philosophical debates, challenging us to confront its deeply significant implications.

The Epicurean paradox is a challenge to the divine

Now, while we often attribute this to Epicurus, the exact words we use—”Either God wants to abolish evil and cannot; or he can and does not want to. Or he wants to and can, and he is good. So, where does evil come from?” These were put down much later by a Christian man named Lactantius.

He was only trying to sum up what he understood of Epicurean thought. But you can bet your last drachma that the core of the problem, that uneasy tension between divine attributes and human experience, absolutely resonated within the Lyceum and the Academy of Athens, two of the most famous philosophical schools of Ancient Greece. Just imagine, if you will, those heated debates under the Athenian sun, where bright young minds wrestled with the implications of a whole pantheon of powerful, often quite moody, gods and the undeniable reality of plague, famine, and all-out war. This was truly a fascinating time to be alive.

How, then, could you possibly square the benevolent side of gods like Zeus, the protector of justice, with the glaring injustices you saw all around you? The Epicurean paradox, therefore, wasn’t just a logic puzzle; it was a full-blown existential crisis, a question that cut right to the very core of how Ancient Greeks understood the universe and their tiny place within it.

Wrestling with the Epicurean paradox from Ancient Greece to modern thought

Fast forward a few centuries, and this problem intensified with the arrival of monotheistic religions, especially Christianity, which, of course, posits a single, all-loving, all-powerful God. This really made the intellectual and emotional burden of The Epicurean paradox even bigger. If God truly is omnipotent, capable of absolutely anything, and omnibenevolent, desiring nothing but good, then why do we still witness such unspeakable horrors around the globe? Why the gut-wrenching agony of a child, the sheer devastation of a natural disaster, the creeping, insidious grip of disease, the unfathomable destruction of war?

Think about the Lisbon earthquake of 1755, a cataclysm that shook Enlightenment Europe to its core, inspiring Voltaire to write his biting satire Candide, which skewered the overly optimistic philosophies of the day. That earthquake, a seemingly random act of immense suffering, became a crucial symbol of the problem of evil, forcing thinkers around Europe to stare down the uncomfortable truth that even in an age of supposed reason, the existence of suffering remained a massive issue for anyone who believed in a good and powerful God. The entire debate, in essence, shifted from the sometimes whimsical nature of many gods to the unsettling feeling of indifference or impotence from just one.

Why the problem of evil still resonates

Even today, in our supposedly secular age, the Epicurean paradox continues to provoke debates worldwide. While most people might not frame it in theological terms, that fundamental question just won’t leave humanity alone: why is there so much suffering in the world? We see it every day in the news, in the quiet struggles of individuals, and in the grand, sweeping stories of human history across civilizations.

The “New Atheists” of our time often brandish the problem of evil like a sword against religious belief, arguing that the mere existence of suffering is an insurmountable logical contradiction for any benevolent, omnipotent God. And yet, religious thinkers, from ancient Church Fathers like Augustine right up to modern theologians, have offered a dazzling array of “theodicies”—attempts to make sense of God’s attributes in light of evil. Some argue that suffering is simply the unfortunate consequence of free will, a necessary price for genuine moral agency.

Others suggest it serves some greater, grander, perhaps utterly inscrutable, divine plan, maybe to foster compassion or spiritual growth. Still, others just admit that our tiny human brains can’t grasp the full scope of divine purpose. The true genius of these arguments, however, isn’t that they definitively solve the paradox, but rather that they wrestle with it, reflecting humanity’s endless, sometimes heartbreaking, efforts to find meaning in a world that often seems utterly devoid of it.

Ultimately, the Epicurean paradox, whether debated by Ancient Greeks who argued about their gods or by modern minds contemplating a singular deity, remains relevant today. It’s a question that forces us to squarely face the uncomfortable realities of existence, to grapple with the limits of our understanding, and constantly re-think our place in a world that is both beautiful and, at times, heartbreakingly cruel.

So, the next time you are wandering through some ancient ruins in Greece or elsewhere, or even just scrolling through the daily headlines of current affairs, take a moment to consider the power of Epicurus’ ancient challenge. It’s a question that, far from offering easy answers, invites us all into a profound and, quite frankly, ongoing conversation about faith, reason, and that beautiful, bewildering mystery we call life, suffering, and God.