© Vincent Alban for The New York Times
Why did the Metropolitan Police attend a UCL bar to kick out our group of conservative-minded students over our views on transgenderism, asks Samiksha Bhattacharjee.
The post Why Did the Met Police Kick Us Out of a Bar for Having the Wrong Views on Trans? appeared first on The Daily Sceptic.
South Wales Police has shelved plans to record incidents of "anti-Muslim hostility" after the Free Speech Union threatened a judicial review – calling it a de facto blasphemy law.
The post South Wales Police Shelves Anti-Islam “Hostility” Recording Plans After Legal Challenge Threat appeared first on The Daily Sceptic.
Leon O’Leary threw a smoke grenade and Connor Bishop a traffic cone at officers during disturbance in Southampton
Two men who threw a smoke grenade and traffic cone at police during the violence in Southampton that followed the sentencing of Henry Nowak’s killer have been jailed.
Leon O’Leary, 41, from Basingstoke, Hampshire, was sentenced to three years and one month after throwing a smoke grenade at officers.
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© Photograph: Isabel Infantes/Reuters
© Photograph: Isabel Infantes/Reuters
© Photograph: Isabel Infantes/Reuters
David Stroud grabbed a woman’s hair and asked if he could kiss her two days after legislation took effect
A train passenger has become the first person to be sentenced under a new harassment law after a prosecution brought by the British Transport Police (BTP).
David Stroud, 44, grabbed a woman’s hair and asked her “can I kiss you?” on a rail journey to London on 3 April, two days after the new legislation came into force banning harassment motivated by a person’s sex.
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© Photograph: Antonia Johlen/PA
© Photograph: Antonia Johlen/PA
© Photograph: Antonia Johlen/PA
When politicians talk ‘common sense’ it’s time to worry; when the Tory leader does, it’s time to be doubly vigilant
You know how it is. You’re a middle class, straight white man in his 60s in A&E. Possibly the most disadvantaged person in the entire country. You complain of chest pains. In the adjoining triage queue there is a black woman with what looks like a broken toe. You know what happens next. The black woman is seen within minutes. You have a cardiac arrest on the waiting room floor.
Said no one ever. There may be times when there simply aren’t enough staff in the A&E department. There may also be times when a doctor under pressure fails to make the right diagnosis. But no one for a minute believes they are being deliberately kept waiting any longer than necessary. The founding principle of the NHS is predicated on patients being treated according to the severity of their condition.
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© Photograph: Kin Cheung/AP
© Photograph: Kin Cheung/AP
© Photograph: Kin Cheung/AP
« Gardienne de la liberté individuelle », selon la Constitution, l'autorité judiciaire prête pourtant main forte à la politique répressive de l'État : la lourdeur des condamnations infligées aux « gilets jaunes » contraste ainsi avec la clémence envers les violences de la police. Paupérisée et dénigrée, la justice est gagnée par l'idéologie sécuritaire. Mais certains magistrats refusent cette dérive.
Contrairement aux clichés sur son prétendu « laxisme », la justice pénale fonctionne à plein régime. Son taux de réponse, c'est-à-dire le nombre d'affaires auxquelles elle a donné suite, rapporté au nombre de celles dont elle a été saisie, s'élève à 91 % contre 35 % il y a trente ans. Les 9 % restants consistent en des classements sans suite de dossiers « non élucidés » ou ne relevant pas de sa compétence. La justice a donc presque « réponse à tout ». Cette augmentation constante des condamnations s'explique par la conjonction d'une idéologie sécuritaire et d'un accroissement de la fonction répressive d'un État néolibéral qui délaisse son rôle d'opérateur économique et social et sa mission redistributive.
Depuis la loi organique relative aux lois de finances (LOLF) de 2001 et la révision générale des politiques publiques (RGPP), même la justice est soumise à la vision technocratique du new public management (« nouvelle gestion publique »), comme d'ailleurs la police : les statistiques déterminent l'orientation des procédures et la carrière des magistrats, en fonction des stocks et des flux de dossiers, sur le seul critère du rendement, au détriment de la motivation et de la qualité des décisions (1). En France, le nombre de détenus a crû de plus d'un tiers en vingt ans (de 40 000 en 2000 à presque 70 000 en 2021) (2), alors que la population carcérale diminue depuis plusieurs années dans la plupart des pays de l'Union européenne, comme l'Allemagne, l'Italie et les pays du nord de l'Europe Les Pays-Bas, la Belgique, la Norvège et la Suède ont même fermé plusieurs établissements pénitentiaires depuis cinq ans, faute de détenus. Si la France fait partie, avec la Turquie, des cinq États parmi les quarante-sept membres du Conseil de l'Europe à afficher la densité carcérale la plus élevée (lire l'extrait du rapport sur les prisons, « Dans les geôles de la République »), ce n'est pas lié à l'évolution de la délinquance. C'est le résultat de la poursuite systématique de petites infractions par les parquets, de la suppression — de fait — des lois d'amnistie, ainsi que du durcissement continu des peines
Or, la politique pénale actuelle et sa traduction judiciaire sont socialement discriminantes. Cela s'explique d'abord par le fait que les audiences de comparutions immédiates explosent dans les tribunaux. On sait que les peines prononcées dans ces conditions sont beaucoup plus sévères à délit égal en raison de l'urgence, de la faible place accordée à la défense, du manque d'éléments informant sur la personnalité du prévenu et de la « justice d'abattage » imposée aux magistrats. Mais, surtout, la situation socio-économique de cette petite délinquance génère des peines de prison ferme, car elle n'a pas, comme l'écrivent les juges dans nombre de décisions, « de garantie de représentation », c'est-à-dire pas de logement permettant, par exemple, la pose d'un bracelet électronique au lieu de l'incarcération, pas d'argent pour payer une amende, pas de proches pour soutenir une injonction de soins ou une démarche d'insertion professionnelle.
Mme Dominique Simonnot, aujourd'hui contrôleuse générale des lieux de privation de liberté, a relaté chaque semaine, pendant quatorze ans, cette pénalisation de la misère dans ses chroniques du Canard enchaîné. Ainsi, lors de l'audience banale du 14 octobre 2016 au tribunal judiciaire de Nanterre, sur les sept prévenus qui comparaissaient, un seul possédait le baccalauréat, deux avaient vécu dans des foyers de l'Aide sociale à l'enfance, l'un était sans domicile fixe (SDF), un autre percevait le revenu de solidarité active (RSA), deux étaient au chômage, deux en contrats précaires, et un seul en contrat à durée indéterminée (CDI). Tous étaient français. Exemple de peine prononcée : deux mois de prison ferme avec mandat de dépôt pour le vol de deux montres d'une valeur de 35 et 20 euros dans un magasin de sport…
Le traitement judiciaire du mouvement des « gilets jaunes », entre novembre 2018 et fin 2019, constitue un autre exemple de ce qu'on aurait nommé jadis « une justice de classe ». Selon le bilan de la chancellerie, 3 100 « gilets jaunes » ont été condamnés, dont un millier d'entre eux à des peines de quelques mois à trois ans de prison ferme — un chiffre inédit pour un mouvement social. À Paris, où furent concentrées le tiers des gardes à vue, la moitié de celles-ci se sont terminées par une remise en liberté et un classement sans suite, ce qui confirme l'usage préventif de la garde à vue et sa fonction d'intimidation des mouvements de protestation. En une année, il y eut autant de manifestants blessés par la police, et parfois mutilés à l'œil ou aux mains par des tirs de lanceurs de balles de défense, que pendant les vingt ans précédents. Pour autant, seules 313 procédures ont été ouvertes à l'inspection générale de la police nationale (IGPN) — la police des polices —, et très peu ont abouti à une sanction contre des membres des forces de l'ordre ou à des condamnations judiciaires (3). Le retentissement médiatique des affaires politico-financières (4), qui représentent à peine 1 % des condamnations pénales, ne doit pas occulter cette réalité du fonctionnement quotidien de la justice, à coups d'audiences de comparutions immédiates et d'expulsions locatives.
S'il est vrai que la sévérité des condamnations prononcées en matière financière s'accroît depuis quelques années, cette tendance masque la remise en cause du rôle de la justice comme autorité d'équilibre entre les pouvoirs législatif et exécutif. En effet, au sein de l'institution judiciaire, la fonction même du juge s'efface au profit du parquet, qui est dépendant du gouvernement de par son organisation et son statut. Progressivement, le procureur se fait juge puisque le parquet rend désormais environ 40 % des décisions pénales (5).
Ainsi, la procédure de comparution préalable de culpabilité (CRPC) ou « plaider coupable », massivement utilisée, est en réalité une négociation de la peine entre le procureur, qui propose une sanction, et l'avocat de la défense, qui n'a que quelques minutes pour l'accepter ou non, encourant le risque, s'il la refuse, de voir le tribunal aggraver la peine par la suite. En outre, beaucoup de sanctions pénales sont prononcées, non pas par des magistrats professionnels, mais par des personnels précaires dépourvus des garanties statutaires d'indépendance des juges professionnels : magistrats à titre temporaire, juges de proximité et délégués du procureur, recrutés sur contrat à durée déterminée (CDD)… Ils comptent désormais pour 10 % des magistrats et la chancellerie entend en recruter encore mille. Des peines d'emprisonnement ferme, jusqu'à trois ans, sont infligées chaque année à l'encontre de milliers de personnes dans des affaires de vols et de petits trafics de stupéfiants, sans qu'un juge intervienne pour s'interroger sur leur culpabilité, sans réelle audience publique, sans véritable défense.
La France est en passe d'instaurer une justice sans juge, comme aux États-Unis, où 90 % des décisions pénales sont rendues de cette manière, c'est-à-dire par « négociation » (plea bargaining). La chancellerie semble faire sienne cette orientation, comme l'attestent certaines questions posées aux professionnels, aux citoyens et aux associations sur le site des états généraux de la justice, Parlons justice ! : « Faut-il réserver l'accès au juge pour les cas les plus complexes ou urgents, et systématiser pour les autres cas une tentative de règlement amiable… ? Faut-il réserver l'audience aux infractions les plus graves… et systématiser pour les autres cas une peine négociée ? Que pensez-vous d'un modèle de justice pénale dans lequel… les victimes et les mis en cause doivent contribuer à apporter les preuves utiles ? » Il n'est pas précisé que dans ce modèle, dit accusatoire, les frais d'avocats sont très élevés car ceux-ci recherchent les preuves (expertises, témoignages…). En France, actuellement, ils sont payés par l'État, au titre des frais de justice. On comprend que, dans un tel système où l'intervention du juge devient marginale, il ne soit pas prévu de recruter des magistrats, la plupart des litiges se réglant sans eux, entre les parties et leurs avocats.
« Le problème de la police, c'est la justice », clamaient certains groupes de policiers lors de la grande manifestation parisienne du 15 mai 2021. La réalité est tout autre. Dans la nouvelle conception des pouvoirs publics, la justice n'est plus qu'une « chaîne pénale » qui doit homologuer les initiatives policières. Pourtant, ce n'est pas le rôle qui lui est assigné par la Constitution, laquelle énonce dans son article 66 que « l'autorité judiciaire est gardienne de la liberté individuelle ». Cela suppose que les juges contrôlent la validité des procédures policières et s'interrogent sur la culpabilité et les preuves avant de prononcer une condamnation.
(1) Alain Supiot, La Gouvernance par les nombres. Cours du Collège de France (2012-2014), Fayard, Paris, 2015.
(2) Rapport « Statistiques pénales annuelles du Conseil de l'Europe », Strasbourg, 8 avril 2021.
(3) Selon le ministère de la justice, sur plus de 10 000 gardes à vue, 3 166 au total se sont déroulées à Paris, dont 1 459 n'avaient débouché sur aucune poursuite. Cf. Le Monde, 8 novembre 2019.
(4) Entre un an et cinq ans d'emprisonnement ferme à l'encontre de MM. Nicolas Sarkozy, François Fillon, Patrick Balkany, pour des infractions de dépassements de plafond de dépenses électorales, de corruption, de détournements de fonds publics et de fraudes fiscales.
(5) Chiffres de la Conférence nationale des procureurs de la République dans son interpellation du 6 janvier 2022 à l'endroit des candidats à la présidentielle.
Tory leader takes aim at police guidance and says more black boys searched means more black lives saved
Kemi Badenoch has argued that Britain took a wrong turn after the landmark Macpherson report into the racist killing of Stephen Lawrence, and said that it didn’t matter how many young black boys were stopped and searched by police.
The Conservative leader made the comments as she announced plans to scrap the obligation on public bodies to consider how they can promote equality as she seeks to head off the challenge to her party from Reform UK.
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© Photograph: Neil Hall/EPA
© Photograph: Neil Hall/EPA
© Photograph: Neil Hall/EPA
Justice (Pixabay)
The disappearance and subsequent death of 11-year-old Lyhanna, whose body was found on June 4 in an agricultural silo in the Gers region of southwestern France, has triggered an unprecedented institutional crisis in France. Politicians are shifting blame onto judges, who are doing what they can with the resources available to them.
France’s judicial institution is facing both genuine operational failures and unacceptable political exploitation. By offloading their own responsibilities onto judges and prosecutors, neither Justice Minister Gérald Darmanin nor Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez is likely to emerge from this ordeal with enhanced credibility.
The facts currently known in the Lyhanna case are undeniably damaging to the judicial system. The primary suspect, a 41-year-old man and the father of one of Lyhanna’s classmates, had an extensive judicial and administrative record before being formally charged with kidnapping and unlawful confinement of a minor under the age of 15.
Several complaints and reports had already been brought to the attention of the relevant authorities. One of the most sensitive aspects of the case involves a complaint filed on August 22, 2025, by the mother of a child alleging repeated sexual assaults. On September 11, a medical report reportedly identified findings described as consistent with the child’s statements. Yet the suspect was never interviewed before Lyhanna disappeared on May 29.
This timeline raises a fundamental question: why did a complaint alleging the rape of a minor, supported by medical evidence, fail to result in an interview of the suspect before the tragedy occurred? This question goes beyond the understandable public emotion surrounding the case and requires examination of how criminal investigations are actually processed.
Justice Minister Gérald Darmanin has ordered a systematic review of 70,000 complaints involving children by July 14. A general administrative inspection is currently underway to determine whether delays, errors, or procedural failures occurred in the handling of cases involving the suspect.
This directive from the Ministry of Justice responds to both political and moral urgency. Its purpose is to ensure that no comparable case is sitting unattended in an investigative unit or prosecutor’s office, particularly those involving rape or sexual abuse allegations. At the same time, it reflects a clear lack of confidence in the ordinary functioning of France’s criminal justice system.
The major challenge following this review will be actually processing those complaints: interviewing suspects, verifying testimony, prioritizing investigative actions, and making the necessary judicial decisions. Without additional operational resources, the scope of the problem may be revealed without being solved.
Frédéric Chevallier, Chief Prosecutor of Chartres and president of the National Conference of Public Prosecutors, has spoken out in defense of prosecutors while acknowledging that the case demands answers. His comments reflect the intense pressure currently weighing on the judicial institution.
On one hand, he rejects the idea that “judges and prosecutors should be thrown to the wolves” in response to public outrage. He stresses the need to avoid premature conclusions before inspections are completed, urging public officials to “keep a cool head.” His central argument is that no serious conclusions can be drawn before the entire chain of events has been reconstructed.
On the other hand, Chevallier has not ruled out individual responsibility, noting that “judges are not beyond accountability.” This cautious approach is intended to prevent the Lyhanna case from becoming a public trial of an individual magistrate or prosecutor’s office before investigators have completed their work.
Yet this institutional defense remains fragile. Explaining that the courts are overloaded, that investigative services are overwhelmed, and that prosecutors constantly triage competing emergencies only partially addresses families’ concerns. When a child dies and prior warnings existed, the judicial system must be able to explain why certain procedures moved so slowly and whether individual decisions contributed to an identified risk.
Prosecutors point out that they are managing enormous backlogs of cases. Chevallier referenced not only the 70,000 complaints involving minors now under review, but also millions of cases of all types awaiting action within investigative services.
This argument reveals an institution that is clearly overwhelmed, at times buried beneath mountains of case files. It highlights a criminal justice system confronting systemic saturation. Yet it does not end the legitimate debate over how cases are prioritized. If everything is considered urgent, then nothing truly is. The Lyhanna case compels the judicial system to explain precisely how complaints are prioritized, especially when they involve sexual violence against children.
This issue connects to a structural problem that judges’ unions have denounced for decades: chronic underfunding. The Judicial Magistrates’ Union (USM), which has been highly visible in the media since the tragedy, argues that judges should not serve as lightning rods for the state’s failure to provide adequate judicial resources.
The USM has condemned what it sees as unacceptable political exploitation of the tragedy. It points to statements by President Emmanuel Macron dismissing resource-related concerns from the outset, threats of sanctions raised by the Justice Minister before the inspectorate had reached any conclusions, and proposals by political figures to create a special disciplinary court for judges.
This political escalation has been accompanied by serious consequences. The Chief Prosecutor of Auch has been targeted with death threats circulating on social media. The Ministry of Justice has filed a criminal complaint, marking a dangerous turning point: public anger is being transformed into personal targeting and threats against judges and prosecutors themselves.
This is precisely the danger prosecutors fear. Judicial unions have significantly increased their media presence, with senior officials speaking publicly. Their coordinated effort is intended to give voice to rank-and-file judges and prosecutors facing what they view as opportunistic attacks.
The prosecutors’ calls for caution regarding the administrative investigation will only be heard if the judicial institution provides complete and transparent answers to the legitimate questions raised by families, advocacy groups, and the broader public.
The central challenge is reconciling two seemingly conflicting imperatives: protecting judicial independence from political interference while acknowledging that the public deserves explanations when a child dies and previous warnings may have been overlooked.
This case reveals that the French judicial system is facing a profound crisis of confidence. Families, citizens, and the public need to understand how the criminal justice process actually works, what priorities genuinely guide the handling of complaints involving minors, and how insufficient resources concretely affect child protection.
Without restoring public trust through transparency and meaningful operational reforms, the Lyhanna case will leave a lasting mark on the relationship between the justice system and French society. The inspectorate may establish the facts, but only clear and responsible institutional communication can help ease the current tensions.
L’article The Lyhanna case: open season on judges est apparu en premier sur FrenchDailyNews.
Crowds gather at sites across Belfast after Sudanese man charged with attempted murder
Badenoch said, after the murder of Stephen Lawrence, it was right that people wanted to ensure this did not happen again.
It led to the Macpherson report, she said.
[It] wanted to put right what went wrong with policing in the 1990s.
However, in attempting to do so, it also enshrined a principle which I believe is wrong that a racist incident is racist if it is perceived as racist by the victim or any other person.
Equality law, properly designed, should protect us all in the same way. It should be a shield, not a sword.
It should protect people from discrimination. It should protect people from being treated differently because of their race, sex, religion, sexuality, disability or age.
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© Photograph: PA
© Photograph: PA
© Photograph: PA
© Ben Stansall/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
© Helen H. Richardson/The Denver Post, via Associated Press
Police forces are hiring diversity officers on £75,000 a year while crime rates in their areas rise.
The post Police Hire £75k Diversity Officers While Crime Soars appeared first on The Daily Sceptic.
North Yorkshire Police made a grovelling public apology to "our LGBTQ+ communities" – but has refused to apologise to a Christian officer it wrongly sacked for asking a question about Islam at a training day.
The post North Yorkshire Police Apologised to “Our LGBTQ+ Communities” – But Not to the Christian Officer It Wrongly Sacked appeared first on The Daily Sceptic.
In charge for 14 years at the Home Office and 10 at Hampshire police, the Tories co-authored the Henry Nowak tragedy, says Clive Pinder. But Kemi Badenoch has shown she is determined to do something about it.
The post The Tories Co-Authored The Henry Nowak Tragedy. Can Kemi Badenoch Tear up the Script? appeared first on The Daily Sceptic.
Without it the ‘true scale’ of former Harrods owner’s alleged network will stay hidden, says survivors’ group
Survivors of abuse perpetrated by the former Harrods owner Mohamed Al Fayed are calling for a full trafficking investigation to be launched, arguing that without it the “true scale” of the billionaire’s alleged network would remain hidden.
Survivors at No One Above (NOA), a collective founded by victims of abuse at the hands of Fayed, are calling for the Metropolitan police to broaden their investigation into the billionaire and make trafficking the main focus.
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© Photograph: Murdo Macleod/The Guardian
© Photograph: Murdo Macleod/The Guardian
© Photograph: Murdo Macleod/The Guardian
Greek authorities have arrested a 55-year-old Greek-Australian fugitive wanted for a 1999 murder in Sydney, ending a 27-year international manhunt. James Dalamangas, the target of a longstanding Interpol Red Notice, was apprehended in the Peloponnesian town of Aigio, near Patras, where he had been living off the grid under a false identity.
The arrest is a major development in a cold case that has spanned nearly three decades. Dalamangas is the prime suspect in the murder of Greek expatriate George Giannopoulos.
The fatal incident occurred in 1999 at a nightclub in Sydney, Australia. According to the case file, Giannopoulos attempted to act as a peacemaker, stepping in to stop a violent brawl that had erupted between two patrons. During his intervention, Dalamangas allegedly launched a sudden attack, inflicting fatal knife wounds on the victim. While Australian law enforcement issued an arrest warrant within 24 hours of the stabbing, the suspect managed to flee Australia and escape to Greece before he could be detained.
For 27 years, Dalamangas lived undetected in the Aigialeia region, specifically in the Alsos community. He adopted the alias “Antonios Tzimas” to integrate into the local society, leaning on his family ties to the area, as his mother originally hailed from the nearby village of Temeni.
To maintain his cover, he resided in a property described by local media as a fortress. The house was entirely enclosed by high walls and guarded by a large pack of aggressive dogs, apparently a deliberate measure designed to prevent anyone from approaching the premises uninvited.
Greek police recently obtained significant intelligence regarding his exact whereabouts and initiated a strict stakeout. Officers maintained continuous surveillance outside the fortified compound for three days, waiting for the suspect to make a mistake. The operation concluded successfully when Dalamangas exited the property, accompanied by his father and his partner.
Officers immediately intercepted the group and requested identification. The 55-year-old initially stuck to his cover story, giving his alias. Because authorities possessed concrete proof regarding his true identity, they brought him in for further questioning. Faced with persistent interrogation at the police station, he ultimately confessed to being the fugitive wanted by Australian authorities since 1999. Following the admission, investigators searched the Aigio property to determine if he possessed additional forged documents. The search yielded a crossbow and various sharp objects.
Dalamangas is currently held at the Aigio police headquarters. He is scheduled to appear before the appeals prosecutor in Patras on Monday, June 8, 2026. This hearing will initiate the official judicial procedures required for his extradition back to Australia.
The successful capture drew praise from the commander of the Aigio Security Department, who played a central role in coordinating the raid.
Minister of internal administration, Luis Neves, has announced an increase of 340 PSP agents for airport border controls, starting from July 4. The news follows the recent ‘boost’ given by
The post Another 340 PSP agents to beef airport border controls from July 4 appeared first on Portugal Resident.
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