© Ronen Zvulun/Reuters
Hace justo cien días que Estados Unidos e Israel atacaron Irán con el objetivo de derrocar al régimen de los ayatolás e impedir para siempre su carrera nuclear. Fue Benjamin Netanyahu quien convenció a Donald Trump de emprender la operación. Le aseguró que sería un éxito fácil de conseguir. Pero el régimen se mantiene en pie, aunque muchos de sus dirigentes han caído. Y ha descubierto que cuenta con cartas como el cierre del estrecho de Ormuz. Desde el 7 de abril está en vigor una tregua tambaleante. Trump está decidido a que sea el anticipo de un acuerdo con Teherán. Sin embargo, el primer ministro israelí insiste en seguir atacando el Líbano, para acabar con Hizbulá, aliado de Teherán.
Israel atacó Irán el domingo por primera vez desde el inicio de la tregua. El régimen de Teherán respondió, de modo que el temor a una escalada se hizo mayor. Sin embargo, el presidente de Estados Unidos dijo contundente, según el Financial Times: "Yo tomo las decisiones. No es él quien toma las decisiones". Y reafirmó que Netanyahu "no tendrá otra opción" que acepta un acuerdo con Irán, si finalmente se alcanza. En declaraciones a Axios, Trump decía el domingo que estaba "cerca". Pero lleva así semanas.
Tras los ataques del domingo y el lunes, Trump pidió a Netanyahu y al régimen de Teherán que pararan. Los dos parece que le han hecho caso. De momento.
"Las hostilidades en este frente cesaron, ya que tras los golpes que asestamos al régimen terrorista de Teherán, ha dejado de atacarnos", afirmó el primer ministro israelí Benjamin Netanyahu. Si Irán "comete el error de reanudar sus ataques", Israel responderá "con toda la fuerza", advirtió el primer ministro israelí. Irán insiste en que la tregua afecta al Líbano pero Netanyahu discrepa con el argumento de que Hizbulá sigue bombardeando territorio israelí.
Trump quiere llegar a un acuerdo con Irán lo antes posible ya que los efectos económicos del cierre de Ormuz y su pulso con los ayatolás le hace aparecer como un líder débil en pleno año electoral. En noviembre se celebran las legislativas de medio mandato y si los republicanos pierden escaños en la Cámara de Representantes y la mayoría en el Senado la capacidad de acción del presidente quedará limitada. Trump sabe que si Irán escala van a implicarse los hutíes, las milicias chiíes de Irak, y sus aliados en la región van a padecer las consecuencias.
"Estados Unidos e Irán se están testando mutuamente como parte del proceso en el que busca cómo construir confianza entre ellos. Washington y Teherán quieren que termine la guerra por distintas razones. Irán incluso está dispuesto a ofrecer algo que pueda vender Trump como victoria siempre que se levanten las sanciones económicas y no haya una renuncia total al desarrollo nuclear", ha dicho Ellie Geranmayeh, investigadora en el ECFR, en un encuentro con periodistas. "Israel, sin embargo, quiere la escalada. Netanyahu es quien está dispuesto a que descarrile el proceso".
Netanyahu también medirá su fuerza en las urnas este año. Si se muestra débil con Hizbulá, y con Irán, perderá apoyos. Pero tampoco puede arriesgarse a enfadar a su amigo americano. Israel sigue dependiendo en gran medida del armamento y los sistemas de defensa aérea de EEUU.
Como escribe Gideon Rachman en el Financial Times, "Netanyahu se enfrenta ahora a una decisión muy difícil. ¿Suspenderá los ataques contra Irán y Hizbulá, con el riesgo a parecer débil ante los ojos tanto del régimen iraní como de la opinión pública israelí? ¿O desafiará a Trump y pondrá en peligro su alianza con Estados Unidos?". Y añade: "El dilema es aún más agudo porque el acuerdo de paz en el que está trabajando Trump parece que dejará a Irán en una posición financiera más sólida, y aún con una capacidad nuclear residual".
Netanyahu lo sabe y por eso lo intenta torpedear. En realidad, es él quien falló en sus cálculos. Su plan era asestar un golpe final a su enemigo regional, con la ayuda de Estados Unidos. En lugar de conseguir un éxito propio y de paso facilitar un triunfo a Trump le ha llevado a un atolladero. Y además no facilita la salida.
"Al iniciar una guerra sin cuartel contra los enemigos de Israel, Netanyahu pretendía restaurar su propia reputación y asegurar su futuro político. La victoria sobre Irán estaba destinada a ser el logro culminante: el triunfo definitivo sobre el enemigo supremo, convenientemente conseguido en un año electoral. En cambio, es probable que Netanyahu se presente a las elecciones a finales de este año con los enemigos del país vivos y coleando, y con el apoyo a Israel cayendo en picado en todo Occidente e incluso en la Casa Blanca", apunta Rachman. Sentencia que su visión sobre la seguridad, y su desprecio por la diplomacia, ha fracasado. Cuanto antes lo reconozca antes podrá rectificar.
Según escribe Joshua Leiffer en Haaretz, "el primer ministro es un astuto actor político al que se ha dado por perdido en numerosas ocasiones, y aún podría encontrar la manera de recuperarse de la humillación que le ha infligido Trump y de la frustración de los israelíes, agotados por casi tres años de guerra. Pero Netanyahu tampoco se ha presentado nunca a unas elecciones con el telón de fondo de una debacle estratégica de esta magnitud. Su carta de presentación era que, al haber convertido a Israel en una potencia regional, su poderío militar hacía innecesarias las soluciones diplomáticas. Esa ilusión se ha hecho añicos, y el Israel de Netanyahu se ve obligado, con demasiado retraso, a reconocer los límites de su poder".
On one of the main roads out of Dahieh, the name given to the Beirut suburbs now at the heart of Middle East geopolitics, a row of streetlights bearing the same photograph of Iran’s penultimate supreme leader, the late Ali Khamenei, seem to bid farewell to those leaving the area. A few meters further on, as the city of Beirut begins, the iconography that floods Dahieh with the faces of Iranian and Hezbollah leaders — its Lebanese allies — vanishes, as does, to a large extent, the threat of Israeli strikes.
© Hassan Ammar (AP Photo)
The relationship between Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu lends itself more to psychological analysis than political, after a decade in which the volatile U.S. president has alternately showered the Israeli prime minister with insults and excessive praise — sometimes almost within the same sentence. The war they launched together against Iran 100 days ago has driven them apart as the original plan dissolved: a short, successful operation with oil-related benefits, modeled on the capture of Nicolás Maduro in Venezuela. Beyond how the Iran war is resolved — if it is resolved — its lasting legacy could well be the rift between the two leaders.
© Pool (Getty Images)
I Racconti dei Chassidim di Martin Buber sono una raccolta di insegnamenti, massime e aneddoti leggendari della tradizione mistica ebraica dei chassidim, un movimento religioso sorto in Europa orientale nel 1700. La loro lettura è così entusiasmante che a parlarne si teme di farle un torto, lo stesso che si farebbe a un miracolo tentando di descriverlo (ci riuscivano bene, pare, i discepoli degli zaddikim: quando si raccontavano a vicenda le storie dei loro maestri, una luce si levava dall’oratorio). Posso solo invitarvi a farne esperienza: sono certo che troverete la religiosità gioiosa, esaltata, innocente e poetica dei maestri chassidici corroborante, oltre che una fonte di inesauribile meraviglia. “Chiesero a un Rabbi di raccontare una storia. Lui disse: ‘Una storia va raccontata in modo che sia essa stessa un aiuto. Mio nonno era storpio. Una volta gli chiesero di raccontare una storia del suo maestro. Allora raccontò come il santo Baalshem saltellasse e danzazze mentre pregava. Mio nonno si alzò e raccontò, e il racconto lo trasportò tanto che ebbe bisogno di mostrare saltellando e danzando come facesse il maestro. Da quel momento guarì. Così vanno raccontate le storie’”. Ma come sarebbero questi racconti, estatici e carnali, sublimi e ridicoli, affascinanti e pieni di umorismo (spesso paradossale: “Se non si può passare di sopra, bisogna appunto passare di sopra”), se fossero stati scritti dagli smarriti Netanyahu e Ben-Gvir coi criteri criminali da loro adottati in Palestina e in Libano?
Un giorno un hassid accusò presso il Rabbi di Kowel certuni che passavano le giornate ad angariare i palestinesi e a cacciarli dalle loro terre. “Questo è bene”, disse lo zaddik. “Come tutti gli uomini, essi vogliono servire Dio e non sanno come. Ma ora imparano a perseverare in un’opera. Quando raggiungeranno la perfezione in questo, avranno soltanto bisogno di arruolarsi, e che servitori di Dio saranno allora!”.
Rabbi Isacco lodò una volta un soldato israeliano che era intento a uccidere donne, vecchi e bambini palestinesi: “Quanta premura si dà questo soldato di adempiere il precetto dell’obbedienza agli ordini!” “Ma egli si fa pure pagare per questo” gli fu obiettato. “Egli prende il denaro” rispose lo zaddik “perché gli sia possibile adempiere il precetto”.
Una volta un hassid vide Rabbi Bär che rideva sonoramente davanti alle macerie e ai cadaveri di un villaggio palestinese distrutto dai coloni. Questo gli dispiacque: come si può ridere della distruzione e dell’omicidio? Rabbi Bär gli spiegò: “Mentre rido passa sul mondo l’alito dell’indulgenza, la severità si strugge e ciò che pesava si fa leggero”.
Un giorno un Rabbi disse che digiunare non era più un merito religioso. Gli fu chiesto: “Ma il Rabbi di Zloczow non ha forse digiunato molto?” “Il santo Rabbi di Zloczow”, rispose quello, “quando, terminato il sabato, andava per tutta la settimana al luogo del suo ritiro, soleva rubare cibo e acqua ai palestinesi. Digiunare in questo modo è permesso”.
Un soldato che voleva fare penitenza per aver ucciso dei bambini durante un genocidio, per giunta di sabato, andò dal Rabbi di Ropschitz per sapere che dovesse fare. Si vergognava di confessare allo zaddik il suo peccato, eppure doveva rivelarlo per sapere la relativa penitenza. Perciò raccontò che uno dei suoi amici aveva talmente mancato che per vergogna non aveva potuto risolversi a venire lui stesso, e l’aveva incaricato di chiedere l’espiazione adatta al suo peccato. Il Rabbi lo guardò sorridendo: “Il tuo amico” disse “è uno sciocco. Poteva venire egli stesso e raccontarmi che veniva per conto di un altro che si era vergognato di venire”.
Fu chiesto al Rabbi di Berditshev: “Perché in tutti i nostri trattati di tattica militare manca la prima pagina e ognuno comincia con la seconda?”. Egli rispose: “Per quanto un soldato di Israele abbia ucciso, deve sempre ricordarsi che non è ancora arrivato alla prima pagina”.
Rabbi Elimelech stava visitando un accampamento militare quando a un certo punto scese dalla carrozza, imbracciò un fucile e si mise a sparare insieme coi soldati contro una tendopoli palestinese. Alle domande dei soldati stupiti rispose: “Quando ho visto con quanto slancio esercitate la vostra opera, non ho potuto sopportare di esserne escluso”.
L'articolo E se Netanyahu e Ben-Gvir scrivessero i Racconti dei Chassidim? proviene da Il Fatto Quotidiano.
© Haiyun Jiang/The New York Times
Recent exchange of missiles between Iran and Israel highlights diverging views between US president and Israeli PM
The latest eruption of hostilities between Iran and Israel appears to have been contained for now after Donald Trump insisted he called “all the shots” in the Middle East, but in a dangerously fragile region Benjamin Netanyahu has again shown he is ready to take shots of his own.
The exchange of missiles on Sunday and Monday was ample demonstration of the inherent instability of the current limbo between war and peace, but it also shone a bright light on the complex and conflicted relationship between the US president and the Israeli prime minister, frenemies who could determine the fate of the current ceasefire.
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© Photograph: Ronen Zvulun,brendan Smialowski/AFP/Getty Images
© Photograph: Ronen Zvulun,brendan Smialowski/AFP/Getty Images
© Photograph: Ronen Zvulun,brendan Smialowski/AFP/Getty Images
Netanyahu acknowledges pause in fighting in TV speech but vows forceful response to future attacks
Fears of a return to a full-scale regional war in the Middle East eased on Monday as Israel and Iran said they had halted attacks on each other after an appeal from Donald Trump to “immediately stop shooting”.
Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel’s prime minister, acknowledged the halt in fighting with Iran in a televised speech, but vowed to respond “with force” to future attacks.
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© Photograph: Ahmad Gharabli/AFP/Getty Images
© Photograph: Ahmad Gharabli/AFP/Getty Images
© Photograph: Ahmad Gharabli/AFP/Getty Images
© Pool photo by Ronen Zvulun
© Pool photo by Ronen Zvulun
This live blog is now closed. For the latest, read more of our coverage on the Middle East conflict here.
Iranian media is reporting that there were no immediate casualties following apparent Israeli strikes on the Karun petrochemical plant in Mahshahr, a city in Iran’s southwestern Khuzestan province.
According to the Fars news agency, Iran’s Revolutionary Guards said they responded to what they described as an American-Israeli strike on the Iranian petrochemical site by launching a missile attack on a similar plant in the northern Israeli city of Haifa.
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© Photograph: Naama Stern/Reuters
© Photograph: Naama Stern/Reuters
© Photograph: Naama Stern/Reuters
Attacks raise fears of return to full-scale regional war and come after Trump says ‘I call all the shots’, not Netanyahu
The Israeli military has launched airstrikes on Iran after the Iranians fired missiles at northern Israel in the first exchange of fire between the two countries since a ceasefire was reached on 8 April, raising fears of a return to a full-scale regional war in the Middle East.
Yemen’s Iran-aligned Houthi rebels also fired at Israel and warned they would target Israeli-affiliated ships in the Red Sea, further escalating tension.
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© Photograph: Abbas Salman/EPA
© Photograph: Abbas Salman/EPA
© Photograph: Abbas Salman/EPA
Israel launched retaliatory airstrikes on sites it described as Hezbollah command centers in Beirut's southern suburbs Sunday, hours after Israeli officials said Hezbollah fired rockets into northern Israel. Hezbollah did not immediately claim responsibility.
The escalation came days after the U.S., Israel and Lebanon announced a renewed conditional ceasefire framework requiring Hezbollah to halt fire and withdraw from parts of southern Lebanon. It also followed the release of IDF footage that Israel said showed troops dismantling a Hezbollah explosives facility, where an outside expert said components appeared consistent with anti-personnel shrapnel devices designed to wound or kill people on foot.
The strikes mark a major cross-border escalation days after the U.S., Israel and Lebanon announced a renewed conditional ceasefire framework requiring Hezbollah to halt fire and withdraw from parts of southern Lebanon.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office announced the military action was direct retaliation for the group's violation earlier in the day.
HEZBOLLAH FIRES BARRAGE OF ROCKETS INTO ISRAEL AFTER IDF TARGETS HEZBOLLAH COMMAND CENTERS IN BEIRUT
Concurrently, footage released by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) showed troops locating and dismantling a hidden, booby-trapped explosives warehouse.
The multipurpose assembly hub appeared to contain materials that could be used in makeshift shrapnel and propane tanks to create a distributed, lethal network.
Nick Reese, an adjunct professor at NYU’s Center for Global Affairs and a former U.S. national security adviser, told Fox News Digital that the captured weapons cache suggests a deliberate emphasis on personnel casualties, which could be military or civilian targets.
"Given the current situation, they probably targeted more military personnel. Shrapnel bombs are intended to hurt and kill people on foot," Reese said.
"The video cuts between the IDF entering the building and showing the contents. It's at this moment that they probably cleared any booby traps," Reese added. "It would be standard practice to look for and disable any booby traps in a facility like this before going inside and before filming anything."
"It's possible the booby traps could be using shrapnel methods, but I can't see evidence of that in the video. It shows what appears to be a shrapnel bomb, but it is not hidden so likely not a booby trap unless the IDF disarmed it off camera," he said.
HEZBOLLAH ‘HUMAN SHIELD’ STRATEGY BEHIND LEBANON AMBUSH, BOMB DETONATION - MACRON DRAWN IN
Among the items found in the raid was a container filled with nails and other sharp objects, which Reese noted are specific indicators of anti-personnel targeting.
"This video shows what appears to be a container with nails or other sharp implements in it," Reese noted. "This is likely for creating shrapnel bombs intended to kill, wound, and maim targets."
"Such devices are both effective and cause significant fear among the population, which was likely the intent," Reese continued. "The method is not particularly sophisticated but shows that they were targeting humans, not simply hardware or infrastructure."
"Making shrapnel bombs also tends to be cheap, easily concealed, and effective, especially against personnel. These types of bombs would likely have been in significant use."
"The video shows a variety of materials that could have been used to create bombs, from makeshift shrapnel to what appears to be a propane tank," Reese explained.
"These components would be used for very different purposes, so the location seems to have been a central general-purpose explosives-making facility."
"Propane tanks would be used for larger targets like tanks or buildings, while shrapnel would be used against infantry or in public places," Reese said.
US, ISRAEL ANNOUNCE TARGETED KILLINGS OF TERROR LEADERS IN SYRIA AND LEBANON
The dismantling of the factory follows a high-profile decapitation strike against the leadership running these hidden networks.
The IDF announced Friday that an airstrike in Lebanon killed Hezbollah’s chief explosives engineer, Abed Harb, the commander of Hezbollah’s engineering unit, after he "attempted to harm" Israeli soldiers.
The military said Harb was a veteran commander responsible for "numerous attacks against IDF soldiers" over the decades.
When considering the expertise required to manage such operations, Reese observed: "Over a 20-year career, this is difficult to say. Given Iran's well-known funding and support to Hezbollah and its experience fighting the Israelis in multiple conflicts, he likely had a mix of internal and external training combined with combat experience."
"Harb was targeted as part of an effort to disrupt Hezbollah's war-making infrastructure and limit its ability to continue to plan and execute large bombing operations against the IDF and civilian targets."
"The loss of Abed Harb by Hezbollah is not just a loss of leadership but of institutional knowledge," Reese added.
"His two decades of battlefield experience were significant to Hezbollah not only because of his bomb-making abilities but because of how he understood the IDF, Hezbollah, and the junior ranks.
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"As a member of Hezbollah since 2006, Harb likely had significant skills in making and disguising bombs over a 20-year career, which will be a blow to Hezbollah's operational capabilities and infrastructure," Reese said.
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