Greece on Friday inaugurated a new manufacturing plant to upgrade the production of drones (Unmanned Aerial Vehicles, UAVs) on an industrial scale. Greek Minister of National Defense, Nikos Dendias led the inauguration ceremony of the 309th Unmanned Aerial Vehicle Systems Manufacturing Plant in Malakasa, Attica.

“Unmanned Systems and Unmanned Countermeasure Systems, i.e. anti-drones, are an integral part of the new operational concept of the Armed Forces,” , the defense minister stated. “The new Unmanned Systems Manufacturing Factory is coming to transform an initial capability into an industrial-scale production. It is the first large industrial installation of the Greek Armed Forces that is completely specialized in the manufacturing of Unmanned Vehicles.”

The project inaugurated includes two distinct interventions in the Armed Forces Camp: Complete reconstruction and modernization of the old facilities of the Camp, with restoration of its static adequacy, as well as external and internal damages. The facilities will be converted into modern production, support, and technical work areas.

The facility covers an area of ​​2,800 sq. m. and the necessary actions are underway so that the works for the 309th Factory can begin within 2026.

More production lines and RD facilities

The Greek Defense Minister spoke about the new facility being part of the new Armed Forces project:

“The “2030 Agenda” is a holistic program for the protection of our homeland with a specific design. The “Achilles Shield” project, which extends to the sea, on land, in the air, but now also in cyberspace and space. And it has a basic concept, a basic parameter: the change of everything as we knew it. Today’s ceremony signals this program. Unmanned Systems and Systems for Countering Unmanned Systems, i.e. anti-drones, are an integral part of the new concept of operations. Autonomous Systems in the air, at sea, and on land, are the organic element of the modern operational environment, across the entire spectrum of missions.”

Dendias added the importance of the Greek Armed Forces being prepared to respond to international threats: “A country that has received an active threat against it, does not have the luxury of passively monitoring what is happening.”

The new facilities will develop production lines for class I and II drones, for research and development of class III drones, for Unmanned Ground Vehicles, for Unmanned Surface Vessels, for Unmanned Underwater Systems, as well as for the manufacture of anti-drones.

“A leap forward”

The Defense Minister said that the goal is to increase the annual production of class I drones to at least 10,000 from the current 4,000, the annual production of at least 300 class II drones, 300 ground vehicles and 300 anti-drones, while creating the capabilities for Research and Development of Surface Vessels and Submarine Vessels.

The second major intervention is the construction of a new building with a total area of ​​3,600 sq. m. to develop on two levels. It will constitute the core of the complex, housing advanced production lines, Research and Development areas, Laboratories and Test Centers.

Its construction will allow other than production increase, new specialized R&D capabilities, close cooperation with the defense industry and the country’s research institutions.

“Today,” Dendias emphasized, “we are taking a big step forward. I dare say, a leap. This new Unmanned Systems Manufacturing Factory is coming to transform an initial capability into an industrial-scale production. It is the first large industrial installation of the Greek Armed Forces, which is completely specialized in the manufacturing of Unmanned Vehicles. The 309th Unmanned Vehicle Systems Factory.”

The ancient Greeks used to make a wide variety of breads, as they considered it to be of great importance in their eating habits.

Wheat, considered a gift from the goddess Demeter, was highly valued by the Greeks, who particularly preferred the hulled varieties. Barley, however, thrived in larger regions of mainland Greece. The varieties of wheat and barley with hulls had to be dried to separate the grain before they could be ground. Most Greeks, however, even in areas where wheat cultivation was economically unprofitable, were fond of wheat bread.

Bread made from hulled barley and porridge formed the basis of the ancient Greeks’ diet. The bread was enriched with olive oil and flavored with herbs, spices or honey.

Athenian bread was renowned for its excellent quality and was a source of pride for the Athenians, who imported wheat as the soil of Attica was unsuitable for its cultivation. Thearion, an Athenian of the 5th century BCE, had the honor of being considered the inventor of bakery ovens, and probably of the first bakeries.

Plato mentions Thearion the baker as one of the three people who “were the best caretakers of the human body.” The other two were Mithaecus, a Sicilian, the first known cookbook writer, and Sarambus, a famous wine maker.

The ancient Greeks showed great ingenuity and skill in the art of baking. Athenaeus cites many serious studies on the subject and lists over seventy different types of bread.

Breads were distinguished according to the grain used in their preparation: wheat, rye, millet and spelt. The last three were used only out of necessity, as everyone preferred wheat.

There was bread made from various types of flour: white bread made from finely sifted flour, black bread made from wholemeal flour, which was healthier. Nevertheless, ancient Greeks preferred white bread, because they considered it more refined and better tasting.

Bread was leavened with or without yeast and could be differentiated according to the baking method: oven bread, bread baked on embers or in a pan over the fire into which they put a filling and then dipped it in wine. Delicious, if we believe the praises of the poets: “bread spread from embers, a soft and delightful combination.” Also, some baked the dough on a spit.

The various liquids, fats and spices added to the flour could vary the density and taste of the bread. Wine, milk, cheese and honey, separately or combined in some way, as liquids, oil, ghee or lard as fats, but also poppy seeds, sesame and linseed are most often mentioned as spices.

Finally, the bread would be filled with various types of cheese, raisins and other nuts, sweet or savory ingredients. The bread was often served as a plate, on which meat or fish was placed.

Bread history and stories

The staples of the ancient Greeks were bread, vegetables, cheese and olives. In the Mycenaean era, each house made its own bread and was equipped with its own hand-operated mill which turned wheat into flour.

Bread was kneaded and baked in homes, seasoned with sea salt for better taste.

In the Great Dionysia festivals, participants brought with them baskets containing wine, water and bread, which was needed for the sacrificial offerings. Ancient texts show that the Greeks offered bread to the gods, which they called the Gods’ Breads (Θειαγόνους Άρτους).

In the temple of Demeter in Eleusis, during the Thesmophoria feast, a large loaf of bread was offered to the goddess. The festival got its name Megalartia (meaning large bread) from the bread offering.

There was fierce competition among ancient Greek cities for which one produced the best bread. Athens boasted of Thearion, its best baker, whose name was found in the writings of many authors.

At weddings in ancient Macedonia, the bride’s parents cut the bread in two and the future husband tasted both portions. The custom was followed at the wedding of Alexander the Great to Roxane.

In ancient times, Cyprus was one of the granaries of the Greek world. According to Pliny, the wheat of Cyprus produced a famous brownish-yellow bread.

According to Diogenes Laertius, the smell of fresh, warm bread kept the wise man Democritus alive for three days so that his sister could take part in the Thesmophoria festival, in honor of Demeter. Thus, Democritus “hosted death in his house for three days and treated him to fresh, warm bread.”

Hippocrates mentions various types of bread made from wheat flour, sifted or not, with or without leaven, with bran, with bulgur, with honey and cheese, oil, poppy seeds and sesame seeds.

In the German Bread Museum in the city of Ulm, the most beautiful exhibits are four Greek figurines with female figures from the 5th century BCE, originating from Boeotia. The figurines depict the grinding of wheat in a mortar, the shaping of dough, the baking of bread, and the loaves ready for sale and eating.

In Rome, bread became popular and in 500 BCE, when the well-off Romans insisted on expensive white bread. Bread also played an important role in Roman weddings. In ancient Roman wedding ceremonies, the two families that were joining ate bread together.

Types of ancient Greek breads

There were at least 72 types of ancient Greek breads, named after the added ingredients used or the kneading, preparation method or baking procedure. Several of them are still made today in slight variations.

Alifatitis (Αλιφατίτης): a well-known bread made with added oil. It also contained animal fats. Similar to today’s puff pastry made with butter, a bread recipe of the ancient Greeks according to Larousse Gastronomique encyclopedia.

Artolaganon or laganon (Αρτολάγανον or λάγανον): a flavored bread with the dough rolled out thinly like a small pita and fried in oil. Artolaganon was the ancestor of today’s lagana which Greeks eat on Clean Monday. It was made with good quality flour.

Atabyritis (Αταβυρίτης): a round-shaped bread of the ancient Greeks that had a lot of crumb, and was particularly nutritious and fattening.

Vlomiaios bread (Βλωμιαίος άρτος): a ​​bread with notches to make it easier to divide into pieces. Vlomiaios bread was usually octavlomos, that is, divided into eight pieces (vlomos: a small piece of bread).

Egrides (Εγκρίδες): made with soft dough like pancakes that was dipped in oil and honey.

Thridakini (Θριδακίνη): bread with the dough mixed with wild lettuce.

Plytos or Vasinias (Πλυτός or Βασυνίας): boiled bread. When boiled, it floats in the water. It is made in Crete (boiled buns) and is the ancestor of the Jewish bagel. There are mentions  of this bread offering to goddess Iris on Delos island.

Krivanitis (Κριβανίτης): bread baked in a krivanos, that is, in a mobile clay oven.

Obelias (Οβελίας): it got this name because it was baked in special molds, the “obelisks” (spits) and because it was sold for an obol (όβολο), a small value coin.

Chondritis (Χονδρίτης): bread made from coarsely ground cereals.

Paxamas (Παξαμάς): a type of hard rusk. The name belongs to the baker (Paxamos) who had introduced it. The rusk was baked twice.

Plakountas (Πλακοῦς): was a sweet that had similarities to the modern cheesecake-type dessert. The sweet consisted of several layers of dough filled with honey and soft cheese. Its main ingredients were flour, cheese and honey. The dough of the plakountas was enriched with milk, fat, herbs and spices.

Pyritis bread (Πυρίτης): hulled wheat bread, from the ancient Greek word πυρός meaning the heart of the wheat seed.

Streptikios (Στρεπτίκιος): bread kneaded with milk, oil and honey. It was prepared by twisting the dough with the shape of the Easter tsoureki.

Hairstyles in Ancient Greece were one of the most significant identifiers of individuals, as they denoted social status and strength. They were also tied to rites of passage and religious rituals.

The hair on one’s head was so particularly valuable to ancient Greeks that it was worthy of its own unique term, being referred to as the kόme (κόμη), and people of the time meticulously cared for it, as they believed it was pivotal to one’s personality and reflected an individual’s social beliefs.

Hairstyles were an essential means of expressing one’s identity. The length and texture—long or short with loose waves or tight curls—was distinctively Greek and contrasted sharply with portrayals of non-Greeks. They were important in that they were a way for people to recognize each other and communicate their place within society.

Hair rituals, such as growing and cutting hair for the purpose of honoring deities, were complex and multi-layered. They needed to account for family status, gender, age, social class, transition points, and cult practices, as well as associations and organizations to which one belonged.

Heroes such as Achilles and Menelaus were portrayed by Homer with blond hair (xanthos), leading many men to lighten their own hair in an effort to resemble them.  To do so, they relied on soaps and alkaline bleaches imported from Phoenicia. Some dyed their hair with a mixture of apple-scented yellow flowers and pollen, potassium salts, and even gold powder.

However, in Homeric and Classical Greek, xanthos (Greek: ξανθός) referred to light-colored hair more broadly and did not exclusively mean “blonde” in the modern Northern European sense. Its meaning was more flexible, often encompassing shades like golden, reddish-gold, or light brown.

Hairstyle depictions in sculptures and paintings

Much of what we know about hairstyles in Ancient Greece stems from depictions of literary works and art, such as sculptures, paintings, amphorae, and other types of vessels. In general, women are nearly always presented with long hair. Slave women, on the other hand, had short hair for hygienic reasons as well as to allow others to socially discriminate between them.

Warriors on amphorae are typically portrayed with pointed beards and long hair while their squires are usually beardless with long, curly hair, and lyre-players have long hair tied back in a bun with a hairband. In a bronze statuette of Apollo, adult men are pictured with beards and somewhat long hair whereas the younger men have no facial hair at all. What marked barbarians, on the other hand, was a moustache with no beard.

Generally speaking, there was a gradual change of style in depictions of men on sculptures and vases from more elaborate to simpler ones. On the other hand, women appeared in works of art donning a variety of ornamental kerchiefs, including pretty bands such as a type of sling known as the “sphendone” (σφενδόνη) due to its shape. A large stamnos, a type of large vase used for serving and storing liquids, depicts groups of women dressed in Ionic and Doric chitons (types of Greek tunics) with various sorts of headdresses.

In literature, the oldest accounts of hairstyles in Ancient Greece are to be found in the works of Homer in which one encounters the dedicating of hair to deities and the dead for the first time ever. This further attests to the importance ancient Greeks placed on hair. In Homer’s Iliad, Book 23, Achilles dedicates his hair to his dead friend Patroclus, for example, in an act that symbolizes his grief for his best friend who has passed away as well as his devotion to their friendship.

Ancient Greek hairstyles through the centuries

Paintings in the palaces and pottery of the Minoan period (c. 3000 and 1100 BC) show dancers with shoulder-length black hair. In Aegean art, men are depicted with single or double plaits, and Homer’s heroes (c. 800 BC) had such hairstyles, as well, as did warriors at the battle of Marathon (490 BC).

The most common hair adornment for women was a type of hairnet or coif made of net work known as a “kekryphalos” in Greek—otherwise also called a caul or “coif of network.” It was worn during the day and at night through to the Classical Period, and Homer made mention of these hairnets, which were frequently made of gold threads or silk, as Pausanias writes.

Overall, during the Archaic Period (c. 1100 to 480 BC), the kouros, the free-standing statues depicting male youth, had long, finely braided, shoulder-length hair at the very least. The maidens (kόre) had numerous braids and oftentimes also donned a coronet. Towards the end of the particular period, women were portrayed with their hair tied back and into a bun, known as the “knidian hairstyle,” named after the Knidian Aphrodite, a statue by Praxiteles of the 4th century BC.

It was in the mid-5th century BC when males began appearing with shorter hair in Greek artwork, and at the beginning of the Classical Period (c. 480 to 323 BC), they were shown with short, neatly trimmed hair. Modern historians attribute the trend towards shorter hairstyles in Ancient Greece to the rising popularity of sports, as athletes had to have their ears free and their hair fixed in place, possibly with hair oil. A good example is the famous Discobolus statue by Myron (c. 460-450 BC).

Alexander the Great’s appearance—clean-shaven (unlike his father) with wind-swept locks combed back from a central part—was a tribute to the importance of youth and was subsequently adopted by other Greek kings. None of his Diadochi appeared with a beard on coinage, statues, or works of art. After Alexander the Great, it became typical for rulers to refrain from having facial hair for several centuries. This was also true of Roman emperors.

In the Archaeological Museum of Amfissa, over eight hundred miniature figurines of 3rd and 2nd century BC females are exhibited. Their hairstyles are particularly interesting, as bronze and golden spirals were used for fastening and decorating the hair. During the Hellenistic period, hairstyles became quite complex, and some of these can be seen on the figurines as well. Knidian hairdressing continued to be especially popular, but from 250 BC onwards, small curls were left hanging unfastened around the nape of the neck.

Hair rituals of the ancient Greeks

In archaic times, the ancient Greeks wore their hair long and were thus consistently referred to as long-and-thick-haired Achaeans (Greek: καρηκομόωντες Ἀχαιοί) in Homer’s works. This was a hairstyling practice that was adopted and preserved by the Spartans for centuries.

Plutarch writes that Spartan boys had their hair trimmed quite short. As soon as they reached puberty, however, they let it grow out. The men were particularly proud of their hair, as they deemed it the most affordable of body adornments and consistently took the time to properly care for it prior to going into battle. Both Spartan men and women tied their hair back in a knot over the crown of the head. Brides even shaved their heads and wore men’s costumes as part of the ceremony.

In rival Athens, the boys wore their hair long throughout childhood and had it cut off when they reached puberty. The cutting off of teenager’s hair was a solemn act honored through religious ceremonies. A libation (oinisteria) was initially offered to Hercules, and the hair was dedicated to a deity of choice afterwards. Plutarch writes that Theseus went through the ceremony at Delphi.

Prior to marriage, Delian girls and boys cut their hair in honor of the Hyperborean maidens who died at Delos and laid it on their tombs. A bride would cut her hair on the day of the wedding ceremony as a symbol of submission to her husband and offer it to the goddess Artemis or Athena. She would then pull her remaining her up in a knot. Following the ceremony, the bride wore a crown and special wedding veil. If she happened to be unfaithful to her husband, he would then shave her head, turning her into a social outcast.

A variety of hairstyles in Ancient Greece

The great variety of hairstyles in Ancient Greece makes it difficult to pinpoint the exact period during which each of the hairdos was popular, and there were a number of unique styles as well. Among these was the “melon-like” hairstyle, or the “peponoeidis,” thus named because of what resembled deep parallel grooves akin to those of a melon. Women often left their curls hanging freely around the forehead in the shape of knots or bell clappers in what was known as the “tettix.” Yet another hairdo was the “lambadion,” a type of bun with loose ends which conjured up images of torch flames or horse’s tail.

During the Hellenistic period, hairstyles became more sophisticated and complex. However, the most impressive hairstyle of the time was the knot of Heracles (herakleion amma), associated with good fortune and love. The hair was brushed forward to form a kind of bow or butterfly.

Headbands, diadems, coronets, headscarves, and clips or loops were used in creating the various styles for women, and hair additions and wigs were not uncommon. Garlands of fruit and ivy leaves, mainly from the plant of immortality, the elichryson, which was believed to bring serenity, were also incorporated into hairstyling trends.

Later on, in Roman times, hairstyles became extremely complex and pretentious and were named after the empress or specific woman of nobility who set the trend.

Ancient Greeks held deep respect and affection for animals, believing they possessed reason, intelligence, and emotion, even as they hunted and sacrificed them to the gods. Greek literature and philosophy reveal a culture that viewed animals not merely as property but as living beings connected to humanity through thought, feeling, and shared experience.

Among the ancient thinkers who reflected most passionately on the treatment of animals was the historian Plutarch, whose writings remain among the strongest defenses of animals in the ancient world. Long before modern debates over animal welfare emerged, Plutarch argued that animals possessed intelligence and emotion and that cruelty toward them degraded the human soul itself. His ideas did not exist in isolation. Rather, they grew out of a broader Greek tradition in which animals occupied an honored place in religion, philosophy, daily life, and even familial affection.

The Ancient Greeks lived closely alongside animals in nearly every aspect of life. Dogs guarded homes and accompanied hunters, while horses symbolized nobility and courage. Birds were kept for pleasure, and cats, although less common than in Egypt, were sometimes used to control pests. Greek children played with pets, and wealthy households often treated favored animals as cherished members of the family.

Pet tombstones reveal Ancient Greeks loved their animals

Archaeological discoveries confirm the deep emotional attachment Ancient Greeks felt toward their pets. Tombstones dedicated to dogs, horses, and birds have been uncovered throughout the Greek world, and some inscriptions mourn animals with the same tenderness reserved for human relatives. One epitaph for a dog named Parthenope expresses grief in deeply personal language, demonstrating that the death of a beloved pet could inspire genuine sorrow. Greeks occasionally buried pets beside their owners or placed them in carefully prepared graves filled with offerings and decorations. These burials suggest that companionship with animals was not merely practical but also emotional and spiritual.

This affection appears vividly in Greek literature. In the Odyssey, the old dog Argos waits faithfully for Odysseus for twenty years. When Odysseus finally returns home in disguise, Argos recognizes him immediately before dying. The scene is brief yet unforgettable because Homer portrays the dog as capable of loyalty, memory, and emotional recognition. The moment suggests that Ancient Greeks understood animals as creatures capable of deep attachment.

Greek mythology likewise reflected admiration for animals. The owl symbolized wisdom through its association with Athena, while dolphins were regarded as intelligent and sacred creatures connected to Apollo and Poseidon. Horses were honored in myths surrounding heroic figures such as Achilles. Even the gods themselves frequently appeared in animal form, suggesting a sacred bond between humanity, divine power, and the natural world. One of the most famous examples is Zeus transforming himself into a magnificent white bull to carry away Europa.

Greek philosophers on animals

The philosophical discussion of animals became especially significant among thinkers associated with Pythagoras. Pythagoras himself believed souls could migrate between humans and animals through reincarnation. Because of this belief, he discouraged the eating of meat and taught respect for all living creatures. According to ancient tradition, he once intervened to stop a man from beating a dog, claiming he recognized the voice of a deceased friend within the animal.

Pythagoras was firmly opposed to killing “living creatures,” abstaining from what ancient sources describe as “harsh-sounding bloodshed,” including animal sacrifice, and reportedly “never eating meat.” In this sense, he is often regarded as the first Greek vegetarian. None of his original writings survive today, but his ideas are known through later authors such as Philolaus, Iamblichus, Ovid, and Plutarch.

Across these accounts, it becomes clear that Pythagoras was believed to hold that animals possessed a soul. As attributed in Ovid’s writings, “Animals share with us the privilege of having a soul,” a sentiment associated with Pythagorean teaching and vegetarian practice.

The Greek philosopher Empedocles, himself influenced by Pythagorean thought, later expanded these ideas by arguing that all living beings share kinship. He condemned the killing of animals and viewed both violence toward them and their consumption as morally corrupting. He even described animal sacrifice as a form of injustice, regardless of its religious purpose. Tradition holds that he once crafted an ox out of barley meal and perfumes as an offering to the gods in place of a real animal. Such ideas were radical in a society where animal sacrifice remained central to religious life, yet they demonstrate that compassion toward animals already held a respected place in Greek philosophical thought.

Plutarch: the first animal rights advocate

No ancient writer expressed these ideas more forcefully than the biographer Plutarch. Living during the 1st and early 2nd centuries AD, Plutarch wrote essays that challenged widely held assumptions about human superiority. In works such as “On the Eating of Flesh and Whether Land Animals Are Cleverer Than Sea Animals,” he argued that animals possessed intelligence, emotion, and reasoning ability.

Plutarch was troubled not only by cruelty toward animals itself but also by the indifference people showed toward suffering. One of his most cited passages asks readers to confront the moral shock of eating flesh: “I for my part do much admire in what humor, with what soul or reason, the first man with his mouth touched slaughter.”

This was not merely a dietary critique. Plutarch believed that violence toward animals corroded human morality. In his view, cruelty was a habit that extended outward. Societies accustomed to bloodshed against animals risked becoming desensitized to violence more broadly.He also rejected the idea that animals lacked intelligence. Plutarch insisted that animals possessed perception, memory, emotion, and understanding. In one striking passage, he describes them as beings capable of thought and awareness: “Each animal hath received from Nature…imagination, and intellection.”

For Plutarch, this recognition carried clear ethical implications. He criticized those who treated living creatures as mere objects of pleasure or luxury. In another memorable line, he writes: “But for the sake of some little mouthful of flesh, we deprive a soul of the sun and light.” Such language is striking because it attributes something close to personhood to animals. Plutarch ultimately presents them not as mindless beings but as fellow participants in the shared experience of life itself.

Ancient Greek philosopher Aristotle finds similarities between behavior of humans and animals

Other Ancient Greek thinkers also recognized forms of intelligence in animals. Aristotle, though less compassionate than Plutarch, studied animals extensively and acknowledged notable similarities between animal and human behavior. In his biological works, he observed memory, communication, and social organization across a wide range of species. Theophrastus, Aristotle’s successor, went even further, arguing that animals could reason and experience pain in ways comparable to humans. He opposed unnecessary slaughter, maintaining that humans and animals share a natural kinship.

Respect for animals in the Ancient Greek world also appeared in religious practice. Certain animals were considered sacred to specific gods, and in some sanctuaries, their killing was forbidden. Festivals at times honored animals alongside deities, while myths frequently portrayed them as wise guides, loyal companions, or messengers of divine will.

Yet the Greek attitude toward animals was never entirely uniform. The same society that mourned pets and admired dolphins also engaged in hunting and animal sacrifice. Oxen plowed fields, horses served in warfare, and livestock provided food. Ancient Greek culture therefore contained an ongoing tension between the practical use of animals and a genuine admiration for them.

This contradiction is what makes Plutarch particularly significant. Rather than accepting cruelty as inevitable, he challenged prevailing norms directly. He questioned whether intelligence, emotion, and the capacity to suffer should carry moral weight. In many ways, his writings anticipate modern discussions of animal consciousness and ethical responsibility.

Plutarch’s insistence that animals possess intelligence and feeling ultimately challenged assumptions of human superiority. He argued that kindness toward animals was inseparable from human virtue itself. To harm innocent creatures unnecessarily was, in his view, to diminish one’s own humanity.

Diomedes was a distinct Greek hero whose story in Homer’s Iliad is marked by his battle skills, courage, intelligence, and aid from the gods, as well as his association with horses of divine ancestry. However, he is often overshadowed by legendary figures such as Achilles and Odysseus in accounts of the Trojan War. Nevertheless, Diomedes, the king of Argos, remains a central figure in Homeric tradition, particularly within the Iliad itself.

In Craig Russell’s paper, “Diomedes’ Magical Horses,” the scholar explores the Greek hero’s extraordinary relationship with horses, especially those believed to possess exceptional ancestry. This is an often overlooked aspect of the Greek hero’s identity. Drawing on mythological sources, Russell demonstrates that Diomedes’ horses are not merely possessions or instruments of war but symbols of heroic excellence, divine favor, and aristocratic status. Their significance reveals key aspects of Greek heroic culture and highlights the close connection between humans, animals, and the gods.

In Greek mythology, horses frequently symbolize nobility, power, and divine intervention. Greek heroes and kings are often associated with divine horses that distinguish them from ordinary warriors. Russell argues that Diomedes’ own horses belong within this tradition. According to Homeric accounts, the ones ridden by Diomedes during the Trojan War were descended from immortal steeds originally given by Zeus to the Trojan Prince Tros. Through a long genealogical chain, these remarkable horses eventually came into the possession of Diomedes, the Argive Greek hero. Their lineage connected them to the divine realm and elevated their status beyond that of ordinary warhorses.

The Greek hero Diomedes and his divine horses as a unified team

The divine ancestry of Diomedes’ horses is particularly significant because Greek mythology frequently draws on genealogy to establish authority and prestige. Just as heroes traced their lineage to gods and legendary ancestors, animals associated with heroes could also possess sacred origins. Russell emphasizes that the horses’ connection to Zeus reflects the broader Greek belief that excellence often derives from divine favor. By possessing such animals, Diomedes demonstrates not only wealth and military strength but also a special relationship with the gods. The horses become visible markers of his status.

Russell further notes that Diomedes’ horses are closely linked to his success on the battlefield. In the Iliad, mobility and speed are essential components of warfare. Chariots allowed warriors to move quickly across the battlefield, pursue enemies, and withdraw from danger. The quality of a hero’s horses could therefore determine military effectiveness. Diomedes’ steeds are repeatedly described as powerful, swift, and reliable, characteristics that mirror the hero’s own virtues. Their performance contributes directly to his battlefield achievements, reinforcing the idea that the hero and his horses function as a unified team.

The connection between Diomedes and his horses also reflects the broader theme of the relationship between humans and animals within Greek epic literature. Unlike modern perspectives that often separate humanity from nature, Greek mythology frequently portrays animals as intelligent companions capable of sharing in heroic destinies. Russell argues that Diomedes’ horses should be understood within this context. They are not passive creatures but active participants in the hero’s adventures. Their divine heritage grants them an elevated status, and their loyalty reflects the mutual dependence between warrior and steed.

Horses as symbols of status and power

An important aspect of Russell’s analysis involves comparison with other famous horses in Greek mythology, most notably the immortal horses Xanthus and Balius, owned by Achilles. Like Diomedes’ horses, these animals possess divine ancestry and extraordinary abilities. The comparison reveals a recurring pattern in heroic narratives: remarkable Greek heroes are often accompanied by exceptional animals whose qualities complement their masters. However, Russell suggests that Diomedes’ horses have received far less scholarly attention despite their comparable significance. This neglect may stem from the greater fame of Achilles, whose dramatic story dominates much of the Homeric tradition.

The symbolic importance of horses extends beyond warfare. In Ancient Greek society, horse ownership was associated with aristocratic status and political power. Maintaining horses required substantial wealth, making them markers of elite identity. Russell highlights this social dimension in his discussion of Diomedes. As a king and military leader, the Greek hero embodies the values of the warrior aristocracy. His possession of magnificent horses reinforces his position within the social hierarchy and affirms his legitimacy as a ruler. Thus, the horses function not only as military companions but also as indicators of social prestige.

Another key theme in Russell’s essay is the relationship between divine gifts and human responsibility. Greek mythology often portrays gifts from the gods as both blessings and challenges. Heroes who receive divine assistance must prove themselves worthy of it through courage, wisdom, and self-discipline. Diomedes’ horses exemplify this principle. Their divine lineage grants him advantages, but those become meaningful only through Diomedes’ own skill and character. Russell’s interpretation underscores the central Greek idea that excellence results from the combination of divine favor and human achievement.

Athena’s intervention in the Trojan War

The role of the goddess Athena further strengthens this interpretation. Among all the Olympian deities, Athena is the divine patron most closely associated with Diomedes. During the Trojan War, she grants him extraordinary strength and clarity of vision, enabling him to confront even gods, such as Ares, the god of war, on the battlefield. Russell suggests that Diomedes’ horses complement this broader pattern of supernatural support. Together, Athena’s guidance and the horses’ divine ancestry create an image of a Greek hero uniquely favored by divine powers. Yet, Diomedes never relies solely on these advantages; his personal bravery remains essential to his success.

Russell also highlights the narrative function of the horses within epic storytelling. In oral tradition, recurring symbols help audiences recognize and remember key figures. The mention of Diomedes’ horses serves as such a marker, reinforcing his heroic stature. Whenever they appear, listeners are reminded of his exceptional qualities and distinguished lineage. This symbolic role contributes to the enduring significance of the horses within the mythological tradition.

Furthermore, the story of Diomedes’ horses illustrates the interconnected nature of Greek mythology. Their lineage links different generations, kingdoms, and legendary figures. Such connections reflect a characteristic feature of Greek myth in which individual stories rarely exist in isolation. Instead, heroes, gods, and extraordinary creatures form part of a vast narrative network. Russell demonstrates that tracing the history of Diomedes’ horses reveals broader patterns of inheritance, divine intervention, and heroic identity that extend far beyond a single tale.

According to Russell, Diomedes’ horses are far more than simple war animals. Their divine ancestry, battlefield importance, symbolic value, and connection to aristocratic culture make them essential to the Greek hero’s identity. They embody Greek ideals of excellence, divine favor, and noble status while highlighting the close relationship between humans, animals, and the gods.

The Rio-Antirrio Bridge was inaugurated on August 7, 2004, one week before the opening of the 2004 Summer Olympics in Athens.

Within two decades, it changed the economic landscape in Greece. The Rio-Antirrio Bridge, which connects the Peloponnese with Central Greece, had the aim of making the transport of passengers and cargo much easier. That has certainly been achieved.

The opening of the bridge was a celebration, with the first people to officially cross it being none other than the Olympic torchbearers of the 2004 Olympics. One member of that group was Otto Rehhagel, the German football coach who had led the Greek national team to their triumph in the Euro 2004 Cup just a month earlier.

The official name of the bridge is the Charilaos Trikoupis Bridge, named after the nineteenth-century prime minister of Greece, who was the first man to envision such a span connecting the Peloponnese with Central Greece. Unfortunately, state finances at the time did not allow for such a large-scale project.

The 2,380-meter (approximately 1.8-mile) long bridge is one of the longest cable-stay bridges in the entire world. It improves access to and from the Peloponnese, which could previously only be reached by ferry or via the Isthmus of Corinth.

According to a recent study by the Observatory of Road Networks in Western Greece and the Peloponnese, the construction of the graceful white cable-stay bridge has already resulted in enormous financial benefits. To date, this amount is estimated to be over 400 million euros.

The experts believe that the total amount of funds the bridge’s construction will bring to the area will be more than one billion euros during the period of 2017 to 2032.

Tourist flows have also improved, which is especially noted with arrivals coming into the area from the north from the port of Patras. Travelers heading for the Ionian Sea islands and areas in Central Greece can now easily and swiftly cross through the central area of the country and back again.

The study also noted that the bridge has already had a positive effect on property values in the northern region, which has led to a significant rise in land prices. This has given added value to an area that had been largely underdeveloped, attracting investment.

Traffic flows have also benefited immensely from the creation of the Charilaos Trikoupis Bridge. It not only connects two major motorways, the Ionian Odos and Olympia Odos, but transport connections between Epirus and Aitoloakarnania have been greatly improved, as well.

Before the construction of the new span, Aitoloakarnania had basically been almost completely cut off from the rest of the country.

Rio-Antirrio Bridge considered an engineering masterpiece

The construction of the imposing cable-stay bridge is widely considered to be an engineering masterpiece, owing to several solutions applied to overcome difficulties caused by its location and the geology of the region.

These difficulties included the especially deep waters of the river, the once-unstable underlying ground under the bases of the bridge, seismic activity, the probability of tsunamis, and the expansion of the Gulf of Corinth due to plate tectonics.

The seabed was first reinforced and stabilized by driving two hundred hollow steel pipes into the ground beneath each pier. The pier footings themselves were not driven into the seabed; they rest on a bed of gravel meticulously leveled to an even surface (a difficult endeavor at this depth).

During an earthquake, the piers are able to move laterally along the sea floor, with the gravel bed absorbing the energy. The bridge decking is also connected to the pylons using special jacks and dampers designed to absorb any movement.

View the fascinating video below to see all the special features of this unique and beautiful cable-stay bridge, which has already contributed immensely to the economy of the country.

Long before Aristotle Onassis became the husband of America’s most famous First Lady, he was the center of a bitter, private tug-of-war between two sisters. The billionaire’s overlapping relationships with Jackie Kennedy and Lee Radziwill didn’t just make headlines—they ignited a lifelong sibling rivalry fueled by power, betrayal, and the constant struggle to outshine one another.

Caroline Lee Bouvier was the younger sister of Jacqueline Bouvier, who in 1961 became the first lady of the United States, as Mrs. John Kennedy.

The two sisters — daughters of a Wall Street stockbroker father and a socialite mother — were raised to look beautiful, have impeccable manners and to marry rich, prestigious men.

Jacqueline married John F. Kennedy in 1953, at age 24. Her sister Lee married the Polish nobleman Stanisław Albrecht Radziwiłł, of the princely House of Radziwill, in 1959.

After the assassination of President Kennedy in November 1963, the widow went on to marry Greek shipping tycoon Aristotle Onassis five years later, in 1968, after that becoming known popularly as Jackie O.

Books have been written about the rivalry between the two sisters — with chapters dedicated to an implied relationship between Lee and Onassis.

The Kennedy sisters’ rivalry and Onassis

The two girls adored their father, John Vernou Bouvier III, who was a stockbroker and ladies’ man who resembled Clark Gable. Bouvier always advised his daughters to “be the best.”

Lee and Jackie struggled to be their father’s very best daughter. Lee loved her older sister, but she found it hard to follow Jackie’s many accomplishments in school and in horse riding.

After Jackie married Kennedy and later became First Lady of the United States, she was regarded as one of the most beautiful and stylish women in the entire world.

Her younger sister was equally stylish and beautiful, yet to the world, she was just Jackie’s sister; needless to say, she was obscured by her sister’s shadow.

So she divorced her first husband and became Princess Lee Radziwill.

Princess Radziwill and Aristotle Onassis

When Princess Radziwill started an affair with Aristotle Onassis, the Greek tycoon was still involved with opera diva Maria Callas; Lee’s husband was indifferent and Jackie was still in the White House.

On August 22, 1963, Radziwill and Aristotle Onassis attended the opening of the Athens Hilton in Greece, invited by Nicky Hilton. Their appearance together at the luminous event generated the expected gossip.

Some speculated that Onassis wanted to be near Lee for her connection to the White House. John and his brother Robert Kennedy both disliked Onassis, who had been sued by the U.S. government in 1955 for removing from the U.S. a fleet of ships he had bought and promised to keep in the country.

In order to keep Lee away from Onassis, they asked her to accompany John on a presidential European tour to Great Britain, Italy, Germany, and Ireland because Jackie was seven months pregnant at the time.

When John Kennedy made his famous “Ich bin ein Berliner” speech in Berlin, he had his sister-in-law, not Jackie, at his side.

Despite that, however, Princess Radziwill returned to Greece and resumed her relationship with Onassis. When in late August of 1963 Jackie gave birth to Patrick, the newborn died 39 hours after being born.

Lee flew to Boston to attend her nephew’s funeral and to comfort her grieving sister. Concerned about Jackie, she urged Onassis to invite her aboard his legendary yacht, Christina.

Despite objections from the Kennedy family, Jackie went on a vacation on the yacht for four weeks, accompanied by her sister. The two sisters were left alone by Onassis for most of the time, resting and exchanging confidences.

When President Kennedy was assassinated in November of that year, Onassis stayed at the White House some days after, at Lee’s request, despite the Kennedy brothers’ distrust of him.

Onassis and the Kennedy sisters

In 1964 the young widow bought an apartment at 1040 Fifth Avenue in New York City and Robert Kennedy persuaded Stanislaw Radziwill to buy his wife a duplex at 969 Fifth Avenue in order to be near Jackie and so that her children could spend more time with their cousins.

Princess Radziwill then became friends with Truman Capote, who admired her style, elegance and femininity. He urged her to become a stage actress, and she embraced this new direction in her life with fervor.

She starred in a couple of plays and had options for film roles, but the reviews were not impressive. Nevertheless, she received great publicity and was on the cover of TIME magazine.

It was speculated at the time that all that was an effort to become more popular than her sister. Yet it was Jackie, again, who continued to gaining more attention as the grieving widow who was carrying the torch of the Kennedy legacy.

At the same time, Jackie Kennedy was relying heavily on her brother-in-law, Robert F. Kennedy, urging him to run for president in the 1968 election.

However, when Robert was assassinated in June 1968 after he and a crowd of his supporters had been celebrating his victory in the California Democratic presidential primary, Jackie fell into depression once more.

Furthermore, she feared for her own life and her children’s, convinced that there were people who hated the Kennedys and wanted to exterminate the family, and saying that she wanted out of the United States.

It was rather sudden when on October 20, 1968, Jacqueline Kennedy married her long-time friend Aristotle Onassis.

Understandably, that came as a blow to her sister. After all, Lee had been the first of the two to have an affair and fall in love with the Greek mogul. She reportedly wept when she heard the news.

Onassis called and asked her sister to be at her wedding. Although she was personally devastated, Lee dutifully served as matron of honor in the wedding.

Sixteen years later, Jackie dealt a final blow to her sister. At age 64 she was diagnosed with cancer and Lee rushed to comfort her ill sibling.

But when Jackie died, Lee found out that her sister had left her out of her will and the substantial holdings and cash her inheritors received. Maybe this was somehow because of Onassis, maybe not.

In any event, although the will included $500,000 trust funds for each of Radziwill’s two children, Tina and Anthony, there was nothing for her — not even one family memento.

One of the most remarkable inventions of Ancient Athenian democracy was a device used to randomly select citizens for public duties such as jury service and public office.

The kleroterion consisted of a stele with horizontal rows of slots on its front and a vertical metal tube attached to the side. Prospective jurors inserted small, flat bronze tokens known as pinakia into these slots, each engraved with their name, their father’s name, and their deme (municipality). Black and white metal spheres were then placed into a funnel and released into the tube in a randomized sequence.

Candidates whose pinakia aligned with a white sphere were selected as jurors, while those aligned with a black sphere were not. Multiple kleroteria (plural) were installed in front of each court to handle the selection process.

Developed in Classical Athens during the 5th century BC, the kleroterion embodied a radical principle for its time: that ordinary citizens, rather than elites or hereditary rulers, should take part in governing the state through equitable civic participation. Within the broader framework of Ancient Athenian democracy, it represented a systematic effort to formalize political equality.

Although the process may appear simple by modern standards, it was highly innovative in the ancient world. Instead of elections shaped by wealth, family influence, or popularity, the Athenians relied heavily on sortition, or selection by lottery. The kleroterion mechanized this system and significantly reduced opportunities for corruption. Eligible citizens would arrive at the court and place their pinakia into the appropriate slots of the kleroterion, with each column representing a tribe and reflecting the political organization of Athens established after the reforms of Cleisthenes around 508 BC.

Archaeological discoveries, particularly from the Athenian Agora, have confirmed ancient written accounts and revealed the sophistication of the system. The kleroterion ultimately illustrates how deeply equality, civic participation, and safeguards against corruption were valued within Athenian democracy.

The foundations of Athenian democracy and the kleroterion

The foundations of Ancient Greek democracy in Athens were established through the reforms of Cleisthenes in 508–507 BC and later expanded during the 5th century BC under leaders such as Pericles. During this period, Athens actively sought to prevent the concentration of political power in the hands of aristocratic elites. One of the key mechanisms used to achieve this goal was random selection. As Aristotle explains in Politics (Book IV, 1294b), the distinction between democracy and oligarchy was clear and fundamental: “It is accepted as democratic when public offices are allocated by lot; and as oligarchic when they are filled by election.”

This statement highlights the ideological importance of the kleroterion within Athenian democracy. Elections tended to favor wealthy and influential citizens who already possessed reputation, education, and good social networks. Random allotment, by contrast, gave ordinary citizens an equal opportunity to participate in governance. The Athenians believed that political equality, or isonomia, depended on broad participation from the citizen body rather than dominance by a small elite.

The kleroterion was particularly significant in the selection of jurors for the dikasteria, the large popular courts of Athens. Each day, thousands of jurors were chosen to hear legal and political cases. Aristotle also describes this procedure in The Constitution of the Athenians (63): “Each juror, after presenting his ticket, receives a staff and enters the court to which the lot assigns him.”

Random selection in the courts was designed to make bribery and manipulation far more difficult. Because no one could predict who would serve on a given jury, corrupt politicians and wealthy litigants found it harder to influence outcomes in advance. In this way, the kleroterion functioned as a safeguard against corruption and tyranny in Ancient Athenian democracy. In a society deeply wary of concentrated power, randomness itself became an essential democratic instrument.

The randomization process in Ancient Athenian democracy

The randomization process operated in several stages. Citizens first inserted their tokens into the designated slots of the kleroterion. Colored balls were then released from the attached tube in a randomized sequence. A white ball typically indicated that a corresponding row had been selected, while a black ball signaled rejection. Citizens whose tokens aligned with the selected rows would then serve on juries or councils.

This system helped ensure a fair distribution of civic responsibility across different tribes and social groups. Over the course of their lives, thousands of Athenians could participate directly in governing roles. Thus, political participation was understood not merely as a privilege but as a civic duty requiring active engagement.

Regular rotation of officeholders also helped limit the emergence of entrenched political elites. Ancient historians often emphasized the active role of ordinary citizens in Athenian political life. Thucydides, in his account of Pericles’ Funeral Oration in History of the Peloponnesian War (II.37), captures this democratic ethos: “Our constitution is called a democracy because power is in the hands not of a minority but of the whole people.”

Through the kleroterion, this ideal of collective governance was translated into practical reality. Ordinary citizens could be selected to serve on juries or councils at any time. A farmer, craftsman, or merchant might suddenly find himself serving alongside fellow citizens, reinforcing civic identity and strengthening a shared sense of responsibility for the polis.

Modern classicists on the significance of the kleroterion in Ancient Athenian democracy

Modern historians have long recognized the revolutionary nature of the kleroterion system. The classical scholar M. H. Hansen writes in The Athenian Democracy in the Age of Demosthenes: “The Athenians regarded sortition as the most democratic method of selecting officials because it gave every citizen an equal chance of holding office.”

Hansen’s observation underscores how differently the Athenians understood democracy compared to most modern states. Today, democracy is commonly associated with representative elections, but in Athens, elections were often viewed as less democratic precisely because they enabled wealth, status, and rhetorical skill to dominate political life. In contrast, the kleroterion directly challenged social hierarchy by affirming that ordinary citizens were fully capable of public service.

Hansen also emphasizes that the system reflected confidence in collective civic wisdom rather than reliance on specialized expertise. Offices assigned by lot were typically short in duration, and officials were subject to scrutiny both before and after their terms of service. This structure helped reduce the risks associated with inexperience while maintaining broad participation. In practice, Athenian governance depended less on professional politicians and more on the continual rotation of citizens through public duties.

Another modern scholar, Paul Cartledge, highlights the symbolic dimension of the kleroterion in Democracy: A Life, writing: “The allotment machine was democracy made stone.” Cartledge’s phrase captures the broader cultural significance of the device. The kleroterion functioned not only as an administrative tool but also as a physical embodiment of democratic equality. Each citizen’s bronze token occupied an identical slot, with no distinction between aristocrat and laborer once the allotment process began. In this sense, the machine itself stood as a tangible symbol of political fairness and civic equality.

Ordinary citizens in public office

The kleroterion also reflected broader Greek ideas about fate, equality, and civic order. Although the use of chance in political selection may seem unusual to modern observers, the Athenians believed that sortition helped prevent factionalism and personal ambition from undermining the state. Because officeholders could not easily manipulate or predict their selection, the process reduced political competition and eased social tensions.

As historian Josiah Ober explains in his book Mass and Elite in Democratic Athens, “Lottery selection was intended to institutionalize political equality and to minimize elite domination.” Ober argues that Athenian democracy succeeded in part because it actively integrated ordinary citizens into the institutions of the state. The kleroterion was central to this integration. By opening public roles to a broad cross-section of the citizen body, it encouraged loyalty to the polis and helped reduce the alienation often associated with political exclusion.

At the same time, the system had clear limitations. Citizenship was restricted to free adult males born to Athenian parents, while women, enslaved people, and foreigners were excluded from participation. As a result, the democracy supported by the kleroterion was limited according to modern standards. Even so, within the citizen body itself, it pursued political equality to a remarkable degree. The idea that ordinary individuals could collectively govern was profoundly innovative in the ancient world.

The decline of Athenian democracy in the 4th century BC and the subsequent rise of Macedonian power led to the reduced use of institutions such as the kleroterion. Nevertheless, its intellectual legacy endured. Political philosophers and modern democratic theorists continue to debate the value of sortition, and some contemporary scholars have even proposed reintroducing forms of random selection to modern governments as a way to counter corruption, polarization, and elite dominance. In several modern democracies, citizens’ assemblies selected by lot reflect renewed interest in these ancient practices.

Archaeological evidence has further enriched modern understanding of the kleroterion. Excavated examples, now displayed in museums, reveal the advanced administrative organization of Athens. These carefully constructed stone devices demonstrate the seriousness with which democratic participation was approached. Far from being primitive or chaotic, Athenian democracy relied on highly structured procedures to ensure fairness, accountability, and broad civic involvement.

The early modern Persian world produced a substantial body of occult-scientific manuals dedicated to one of humanity’s oldest political ambitions: world domination. This was a distinct genre of literature that promised access to universal sovereignty through mastery of the hidden forces governing the cosmos.

In his study “How to Rule the World: Occult-Scientific Manuals of the Early Modern Persian Cosmopolis,” historian Matthew Melvin-Koushki examines texts that reveal an intellectual culture in which political authority, scientific inquiry, and esoteric knowledge were deeply intertwined.

Between the 15th and 17th centuries, the Persian cosmopolis stretched across a vast geographical area, encompassing regions ruled by the Timurids, Safavids, Mughals, and Ottomans. Persian functioned as a language of administration, scholarship, and elite culture throughout much of the Islamic world. Within this environment, occult sciences held a prestigious position. Far from being marginalized superstition, disciplines such as astrology, lettrism, talismanic science, geomancy, and astral magic were widely regarded as legitimate branches of knowledge capable of revealing the hidden structure of reality.

Rulers across the wider early modern Persian world cultivated an image of themselves as universal, sacral, and cosmocratic sovereigns. In this context, Alexander the Great, famous for conquering much of Asia, served as one of the key historical models of world rulership.

Resāla-ye Ḥorūf (On the Letters) by Ebn Torka Esfahāni is an influential treatise on lettrism, the occult power of letters and language. It was written to support the ambitions of a Timurid ruler and presents an explicitly imperial application of occult knowledge. Kholāsat al-Baḥrayn (Epitome of the Two Seas) by Lotf-Allāh Nishāpuri Samarqandi is a Timurid manual combining geomancy and talismanic magic squares. The “two seas” refer to these two occult disciplines.

Historian of science Sonja Brentjes has argued that the traditional distinction between “scientific” and “occult” disciplines often obscures how knowledge was organized in pre-modern Islamic societies. Her research shows that astrology, astronomy, mathematics, and related fields frequently coexisted within shared scholarly frameworks. Rather than treating occult sciences as marginal pursuits, many learned communities regarded them as legitimate fields of inquiry tied to broader investigations of nature and causality.

World domination and universal kingship in Persian occult-scientific manuals

The central premise of many Persian occult-scientific manuals was that the universe operated according to precise correspondences linking celestial bodies, divine names, letters, numbers, and earthly events. A skilled practitioner could decipher these relationships and harness them for practical purposes. Political power was one of the most significant of these ends. Sovereignty was not understood solely as a matter of military force or administrative competence. It was also conceived as a cosmological phenomenon rooted in the proper alignment of ruler, heavens, and sacred knowledge.

One of the defining features of these manuals was their emphasis on universal kingship. Authors frequently addressed rulers who aspired not merely to govern territories but to establish dominion over the entire inhabited world. Such ambitions reflected broader political developments of the period. The rise of large imperial formations, including the Safavid and Mughal empires, fostered ideological visions of global sovereignty. Occult sciences provided a language through which these aspirations could be articulated and legitimized.

A notable example of such a text is Kāshefi Jr.’s Herz al-amān (Amulet of Safety from the Seditions of the Times), which promises to enable officials and bureaucrats to exert extraordinary influence over sovereigns even to the point of what the text frames as magical mind control. Asrār-e Qāsemī (Qāsemian Secrets) by Hosayn Vāʿez Kāshefi engages with illusionism and terrestrial magic.

These manuals typically promised access to what might be described as technologies of sovereignty. Through the manipulation of sacred letters, numerical formulas, planetary configurations, and ritual procedures, rulers could acquire charisma, victory, obedience, and divine favor. These techniques were often presented as scientific rather than magical. Their authors argued that they operated according to discoverable laws embedded within creation itself. Mastery of occult science thus became analogous to mastery of astronomy, medicine, or mathematics: a disciplined pursuit of knowledge that yielded predictable effects.

Importance of letters

A particularly important branch of this intellectual tradition was the science of letters (ʿilm al-ḥurūf). Drawing on centuries of Islamic mystical speculation, practitioners argued that letters constituted the fundamental building blocks of reality. According to this belief, just as God created the universe through speech, letters possessed creative and transformative power. By arranging, calculating, and invoking letters according to specific procedures, the practitioner could influence events in the material world.

Toḥfa-ye Rūḥānī (A Spiritual Boon) by Jalāl al-Din Davāni is a concise treatise on political letter magic. Written for a Khalji sultan in central India, it continued the Timurid tradition of applying occult knowledge to governance. Soʾl al-Molūk (Query of Kings) by Ebn Torka Esfahāni is a more extensive handbook of political letter magic intended to guide rulers seeking power and legitimacy through occult practices.

For rulers, the implications were profound. The science of letters promised more than personal enlightenment. It also offered practical written methods for governing subjects, defeating enemies, and securing dynastic stability. These occult-scientific manuals frequently contained instructions for constructing talismans, calculating auspicious moments for military campaigns, or invoking divine assistance through combinations of sacred names and letters. Books were more socially significant in early modern Islamdom than in Christendom and, as a rule, were considerably more encyclopedic in scope.

Melvin-Koushki argues that these texts should not be dismissed as irrational relics of a pre-modern worldview. Such interpretations impose modern distinctions between science and magic that did not exist in the same form during the early modern period. For many Persian scholars, the occult sciences represented advanced forms of natural philosophy. They sought to uncover causal mechanisms operating beyond ordinary perception yet still embedded within the natural order. Political success became inseparable from the ability to understand and manipulate the hidden architecture of existence.

This perspective helps explain why prominent intellectuals devoted considerable attention to occult subjects. Scholars who wrote on astronomy, philosophy, theology, and medicine frequently engaged with occult disciplines as well. Court patronage further elevated their status. Rulers sought astrologers, letter mystics, and talismanic experts not because they rejected rational inquiry but because they viewed these specialists as possessors of powerful forms of knowledge essential to successful governance.

Occult and the empire

The relationship between occult science and empire was particularly significant. Early modern rulers faced immense challenges, including administering diverse populations, maintaining military superiority, and legitimizing their authority across vast territories. Persian occult-scientific manuals addressed these concerns directly. They promised techniques for enhancing royal charisma, predicting political developments, and securing divine support for imperial projects. In effect, they offered a comprehensive theory of power that united metaphysical insight with practical statecraft.

At the same time, these manuals illuminate important dimensions of Islamic intellectual history that are often overlooked in conventional narratives. Modern accounts frequently emphasize legal scholarship, theology, or philosophy while marginalizing esoteric traditions. Yet the evidence suggests that the occult sciences occupied a central place within elite culture. These texts were copied, studied, translated, and circulated across political boundaries. Their practitioners moved between courts and scholarly networks, contributing to a shared intellectual world that extended from Anatolia to India.

The popularity of these texts also reflects broader transformations across early modern Eurasia. In many cultures, periods of imperial expansion generated heightened interest in universal systems of knowledge. European courts patronized astrologers and alchemists, Chinese emperors consulted cosmological experts, and rulers throughout the wider Persian world sought guidance from occult scientists. In each case, political ambition encouraged efforts to understand and control the forces believed to shape history. The pursuit of world rule was simultaneously a quest to master the hidden workings of the cosmos.

Liana Saif, a historian specializing in Islamic esotericism and the occult, stresses that practitioners understood occult operations as grounded in a structured cosmology. She notes that many authors viewed magical and talismanic practices as operating through hidden natural causes rather than supernatural violations of nature. In this interpretation, the occult sciences functioned as extensions of natural philosophy rather than alternatives to it.

Language and symbolism in Persian occult-scientific manuals

Noah Gardiner, a professor of religious studies specializing in Sufism and the occult, highlights the importance of language and symbolism in Islamic esoteric thought. He demonstrates that letter mysticism was not merely a form of speculative theology but a sophisticated intellectual tradition concerned with the relationship between divine speech, creation, and human knowledge. Such ideas helped support broader claims that mastery of letters could provide access to hidden dimensions of power.

Melvin-Koushki argues that the influence of Persian occult-scientific manuals should not be exaggerated. Their promises were often grandiose, and their practical effectiveness remains impossible to evaluate by modern standards. Historically, however, what matters is not whether their techniques worked but why educated individuals considered them credible. Their authority rested on coherent intellectual frameworks that integrated religion, philosophy, mathematics, and cosmology. Within these frameworks, occult science appeared neither irrational nor marginal but deeply meaningful.

This perspective helps explain why prominent intellectuals devoted considerable attention to occult subjects. Scholars who wrote on astronomy, philosophy, theology, and medicine frequently engaged with occult disciplines as well. Court patronage further elevated their status. Rulers sought astrologers, letter mystics, and talismanic experts not because they rejected rational inquiry but because they viewed these specialists as possessors of powerful forms of knowledge essential to successful governance.

The decline of these traditions resulted largely from changing epistemological assumptions introduced during the modern period. New distinctions between science and superstition gradually relegated occult disciplines to the margins of intellectual life. As a result, much of their historical significance became obscured. Recent scholarship, including Melvin-Koushki’s work, seeks to recover these traditions not as curiosities but as integral components of early modern knowledge systems.

When ancient Greek geographer Pausanias sat down to rest beneath the shade of the giant vine, he was unaware it was probably the oldest in the world.

It was approximately 160 AD when Pausanias (110-180 AD) enjoyed the shade of the ancient vine (Vitis vinifera) in the modern-day Peloponnesian community of Sella Pagrati on the Tripoli-Kalavryta national highway.

Today, the Vine of Pausanias is a tourist attraction on the border of the Arcadia and Achaia prefectures within the courtyard of the Agios Nikolaos church. According to agriculturalists, it is estimated to be about three thousand years old.

In the book, Food and History, Vol 11 (pp. 27-34) by Boursiquot, Lacombe, Laucou, and Bakasietas, there is a description of the ancient Greek vine:

“In order to contribute to the development of knowledge on the ampelographic heritage and the viticultural genetic resources of Greece, we have characterized the so-called ‘Pausanias’ vine at the ampelographic and molecular level. This vine is located in the center of the Peloponnese (village of Pagrati, Prefecture of Achaia). It is named and listed under the name of ‘Vine of Pausanias,’ Greek geographer of the 2nd century AD, even if its origin and its real age are not really known. The results of the analyses show that it is not an ancient Greek grape variety but a lambrusca (Vitis vinifera subsp. sylvestris), whose specificity lies in the fact that the strain has been maintained naturally for a very long time, and probably for several centuries, without any particular human intervention. In this respect, and by its spectacular development, it is certainly a unique and quite exceptional example.”

Although it blooms every May, the vine no longer produces fruit. It is about 100 meters (328 feet) long and has 9 shoots (trunks), which spread in a grove of hollow oak bushes (Quercus coccifera). Many of its branches have even climbed the oak bushes. It should be noted that, according to the villagers, many of the shoots were cut by the Germans during the 1941-1944 Occupation.

Pausanias went for the trout

In his book Arcadika (8.21.2), Pausanias claims he had visited the area to see if the rumor that the trout of the Aroanios River sang like the song thrush bird was true: “…here the fish of the Aroanios River are so delicious that they sing like thrushes.” (Greek: “εἰσὶ δὲ ἰχθῦς ἐν τῷ Ἀροανίῳ καὶ ἄλλοι καὶ οἱ ποικιλίαι καλούμενοι: τούτους λέγουσι τοὺς ποικιλίας φθέγγεσθαι κίχλῃ τῇ ὄρνιθι ἐοικός.”)

The ancient Greek geographer discovered that local gourmands had a metaphor to describe the flavorful Aroanios River trout. Later on, he sought the shade of the vine, which he found impressive. The villagers hosted him, providing him with a trout meal and offering him water from the nearby spring.

Ancient legends connect the Vine of Pausanias with the third of the twelve labors of Heracles, which was to capture the Ceryneian Hind, the golden-horned deer sacred to Artemis. According to the legend, while the hero was on the hunt for the deer, it reached the vine, and its long horns became tangled, enabling Heracles to capture it. Due to this myth, the location of the Vine of Pausanias had also been named Kynigari (Greek: Κυνηγάρι), meaning “hunting place” in Greek.

Protected national monument

The vine was declared a Protected Natural Monument in 1975 (Government Gazette 738/B/1975). Regarding the vine’s physical condition, the scientific committee of the ECOCITY NGO estimates that the original trunks of the plant have disappeared due to the natural deterioration of time, while their remaining lower parts, which are one to one and a half meters high and at least 50 centimeters in diameter, have dried out.

Many other shoots have emerged from the numerous branches of the roots, climbing the tree-like oak bush forms. However, ECOCITY estimates that the condition of these “trunk shoots” seems almost hopeless, suggesting that the unique natural monument could potentially permanently disappear after about three thousand years.

To avoid destruction of the Vine of Pausanias, ECOCITY has long since forwarded a request to the competent services responsible for its preservation and maintenance. This in relation to the desired cooperation with the Viticulture and Arboriculture Laboratories of the Agricultural University of Athens so that they may take immediate action to improve the vine’s physical condition and prevent its complete demise.

In May 2014, with permission granted by the Ministry of Environment, Energy, and Climate Change, the members of the scientific committee of the Western Greece Sector of ECOCITY visited the Vine of Pausanias. They extracted samples from the trunks to determine precise dating. The team consisted of foresters and agriculturalists who then sent the samples to the head of the Archaeometry Laboratory of the NCSR “Demokritos.”

Unique and distinctive genotype

Genetic analysis of the Vine of Pausanias was carried out. Twenty microsatellite markers distributed throughout the genome were studied for this purpose, and comparison with 119 Greek varieties and 762 species of wild vines was performed.

The comparison to all the varieties in the Vassal collection (over 3000) proved that the vine’s profile is of a unique and distinctive genotype.

Its age is estimated to be several centuries old, but the number cannot be definitively determined. Its flowers are only ‘male,’ meaning the vine is not fruit-bearing.

Compared to other representatives of Vitis vinifera, wild or cultivated, that exist today in the world, the Vine of Pausanias is of a particularly original genotype, probably resulting from a limited number of sexual generations which have also undergone only few cycles of vegetative multiplication. In this regard, it is certainly a fascinating model for studies on the evolution and dynamics of the vine genome.

The massacre at Distomo remains to this day one of the most heinous crimes the Nazis committed against innocent women and children just months before the German occupying forces pulled out of Greece.

On June 10, 1944, Fritz Laufenbach, captain of the 2nd company of the 1st battalion of the 7th SS armored regiment, was ordered to move his troops from Livadia to Distomo, Steiri and Kyriaki to locate guerrillas on the western side of Helicon Mountain.

This move by the German soldiers was in retaliation for several troops whom the Greek Resistance had killed. As bait, the Nazis had used two Greek civilian trucks filled with SS men disguised as villagers. The two trucks were moving ahead of the main phalanx.

At the same time, the 10th and 11th Amphissa companies of the 3rd Battalion were directed to Distomo to meet the 2nd company. The German troops met outside Distomo without finding any resistance fighters, save for eighteen children hiding near the village. Six of the children who tried to escape were executed.

The Germans entered Distomo, and after intimidating the villagers, they discovered that there were Greek guerrillas at Steiri. The 2nd company headed toward the village, and at Litharaki near Steiri, they were ambushed by fighters from the ELAS resistance group.

The battle at Steiri was so bloody that the Germans were forced to retreat. Approximately forty of them were killed.

Cold-blooded massacre at Distomo

After the casualties they had suffered at Steiri, the Nazis entered Distomo with a clear intention of retaliation for their losses. The cold-blooded massacre of everyone they found in the village then began.

They went from door to door, killing anyone in sight. Their fury was such that they were careless about whether they killed women or children. The slaughter lasted into the night until the Nazi troops had to return to Livadia. However, they did not leave before burning the entire village to the ground.

According to survivors describing the atrocities, SS soldiers bayoneted babies in their cribs, stabbed pregnant women, and beheaded the village priest.

However, the Germans did not stop at Distomo. The executions continued all the way back to their base, as they killed any civilian they encountered on the way. The death count in Distomo amounted to 228 of which 117 were women and 111 men while 53 were children under the age of sixteen.

According to the testimony of International Red Cross Swiss envoy George Wehrly, who arrived in Distomo a few days later, about six hundred people were killed by the Nazis in the wider region.

Haunting pictures from Distomo

A few months after the Distomo massacre, LIFE magazine published a haunting report on the Nazi atrocity. Under the headline “What the Germans did to Greece,” the US magazine interviewed survivors and published photos of the town in ruins.

Among the survivors was Maria Padiska, who came to be known as the “Woman of Distomo.” She passed away in March 2009 at the age of 84.

Her photo adorns the Museum of the Victims of Nazism, located at the entrance of Distomo. The museum was founded in 2005 at the site of the old primary school. It was inaugurated by then President of the Hellenic Republic Carolos Papoulias.

The total area of the museum, which is roughly about 200 square meters, is divided into two levels. On the first floor, one can see photos of all the victims, and there is also a special area with photos of the ossuary, which is located intact at the Mausoleum on Kanales Hill of Distomo.

The museum also holds historical issues of newspapers and magazines of the time with related articles, photographs, and documents.

Greek fire was the mysterious weapon used by the Byzantines to destroy enemies and prospective invaders, keeping the Empire strong and awe-inspiring.

The Byzantine liquid fire that protected the Empire was a terror-inspiring incendiary weapon that protected the Empire for centuries. Widely known as Greek Fire, this mighty weapon enabled the Byzantine Empire to survive and maintain its power through many attacks from various enemies.

The weapon could be compared to the modern day flame-thrower. To the enemy in Byzantine times, it looked like a machine spewing destructive fire from hell. However, its exact origin remains unclear, and the recipe for this formidable weapon is still unknown, puzzling scientists and historians.

Records suggest Greek fire contained a mix of petroleum, quicklime, and other unknown ingredients. This potent combination is believed to have made it one of the most flammable and dangerous substances of its time. What was truly amazing about the Byzantine liquid fire weapon was that it continued to burn on water and was practically impossible to put out with medieval means.

It helped the Empire maintain sovereignty over the mass land it occupied, spanning all of Southern Europe, North Africa, and Asia Minor. The weapon’s impact on the course of history is undeniable. It played a key role in the defense of Constantinople and the preservation of the Byzantine Empire.

A Brilliant Invention

Fire as a weapon had been used for centuries but never in such a sophisticated and destructive means  as the Greek fire (or Υγρόν πυρ – Hygron pyr, as it was referred to in Greek). It was the Crusaders who referred to it as Greek fire or “liquid fire,” “Roman fire,” or “sea fire.”  It was a significant weapon that never ceased to terrify the enemy.

This innovative weapon would fire massive flames in a continuous jet, burning a trail of destruction in its path that was nearly impossible to extinguish. When it came to naval warfare, it was a weapon that was impossible for the enemy to defend their ships from. Yet, the exact recipe for the liquid fire substances the Byzantines used remains a mystery to this day.

The Greek fire cannon-like machine was created in the seventh century. It most likely was the invention of Kallinikos of Heliopolis, a Jewish architect who fled from Syria to Constantinople. It was between 674 and 678 when the Byzantine Empire was attacked by the Islamic fleet of the Umayyad caliphate that had already taken over parts of Syria.

Concerned about an Islamic attack against Constantinople, Kallinikos experimented with a variety of materials until he discovered a mix for an incendiary weapon. Kallinikos sent the formula to the Byzantine emperor, and authorities developed a siphon that operated somewhat like a syringe, propelling the fiery concoction toward enemy ships.

Emperor Constantine IV reluctantly ordered the use of Greek fire to destroy the Umayyad fleet. However, the Byzantine weapon was very successful. According to historian Kelly DeVries and his book Medieval Military Technology, it was the first reported use of an incendiary weapon in battle.

Was Byzantine Liquid Fire a State Secret?

Some historians believe the reason the recipe for liquid fire remains unknown is because Byzantine emperors wanted to keep it a state secret, never to fall into the hands of the enemy. The vast Empire was surrounded by numerous enemies coveting its lands. Liquid fire was a potent deterrent to any army that would think of invading.

Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus warned his son Romanos II to not reveal the recipe “and not to prepare this fire but for Christians, and only in the imperial city.”

Anna Komnene, daughter of Emperor Alexios I Komnenos (r. 1081-1118) and a historian, wrote about the recipe for Greek fire:

This fire is made by the following arts: From the pine and certain such evergreen trees, inflammable resin is collected. This is rubbed with sulfur and put into tubes of reed, and is blown by men using it with violent and continuous breath. Then in this manner it meets the fire on the tip and catches light and falls like a fiery whirlwind on the faces of the enemies.

It was not that straight-forward, of course. Otherwise, it would be easy for the enemy to recreate the fiery weapon. It seems indeed that the Byzantines intended to keep the process of creating the liquid fire top secret, as no friend or enemy ever managed to gain insight into this so as to construct their own similar weapon.

Greek Fire in Battle

In his book, Devries explains that Greek fire can refer to three different weapons: firstly, a fiery liquid pumped out of a nozzle; secondly, a liquid weapon that was filled in small grenades; and thirdly, a solid incendiary probably based on gunpowder.

The third is impossible to have been used in Byzantium. Its reported use started in the fourteenth century in Western Europe. However, there are Byzantine era depictions of men carrying hand-held tubes spitting fire that look even more like modern flame-throwers.

In fact, Greek fire was rarely used except primarily in naval battles, as the apparatus was complicated and required technically equipped handlers. Furthermore, it was dangerous to have an incendiary mechanism on a wooden ship.

In 727, Emperor Leo sent a fleet to burn that of Hellas and Cyclades, who had been revolting against him. In 941, a Rus naval raid from Kiev across the Black Sea was stopped, and their fleet was annihilated by the Byzantines.

Reportedly, in the eleventh century, Viking Ingvar the Far Travelled encountered ships equipped with the weapon, which he described as “a brass (or bronze) tube and from it flew much fire against one ship, and it burned up in a short time so that all of it became white ashes…”

However, by the end of the twelfth century and the Angeloi emperors, the Empire started to decline, losing more and more land to the rising Ottoman Empire. As Byzantium began to fade, so did the use of Greek fire until it became but a simple chapter in the great history of the Byzantine Empire.

The story of the ring known as the “Ring of King Minos” sounds like a tale made in Hollywood. It is a mix of ancient Greek history, mythology, and a plot involving a poor boy, a cunning priest, an English archaeologist, and hidden treasure.

The story begins in 1928, when a boy, Michalis Papadakis (1918-1974), accidentally found a ring at the archaeological site of Knossos. The place of discovery alone meant that the ring certainly had a very long history attached to it probably even going back to the Minoan civilization.

Indeed, several decades later, the shiny, gold, seal ring proved to be 3,500 years old (1,500 to 1,400 BC), as archaeologists assured him, and his was the most significant discovery of Minoan Civilization.

The boy’s father, a destitute farmer named Emmanouil, for some unknown reason, hid the ring from his wife and, for another unknown reason, two years later, he handed it over to the village priest, Father Nikolaos Polakis. Yet, before giving it away, he carved a line on the ring with his knife in order to mark its originality.

Father Polakis initially presented it to English archaeologist Sir Arthur Evans with the intention of selling it. However, there was no deal struck between the two since the priest demanded an astronomical amount of money.

In 1933 or 1934, Father Polakis decided to take the ring to the Heraklion Museum. At the time, the distinguished archaeologists, Nikolaos Platon and Spyridon Marinatos, were on the staff of the institution. Platon decided that the ring was genuine while Marinatos believed the ring was a fake.

Since the two archaeologists could not come to an agreement, they decided it was best to return the ring to the priest.

However, Platon kept a copy of the ring by casting it in plasticine. The cast was later located in Platon’s archive. Several years later, he manifested a new interest in the ring and returned to the priest to ask for it. Father Polakis told him that he had given it to his wife for safekeeping, but she had lost it.

Minos ring depicts three themes

Platon wrote a treatise on the ring saying that it depicts three themes: the Minoans’ rule of the seas (“thalassocracy”), tree worship (dendrolatry), and a goddess descending from heaven to earth and getting into a row boat.

There are other, more recent interpretations of the depictions of the ring including the worship of goddesses, such as Mother Dimitra, and offerings to the Great Mother Rhea and the Great Mother Artemis.

For some time, the ring remained lost. The only information about the ring came from the copies that had been made and a number of archaeological reports which were associated with those copies.

Many years later, when Father Polakis was in his final days, he felt great regret about the “disappearance” of the precious ring. He called Evangelia Papadakis, the wife of the farmer Emmanouil, and apologized for lying to her family. He admitted that he had actually sold the ring to Evans, the English archaeologist, for 100,000 drachmas back in 1938.
However, that was one last lie by the cunning priest. What he had actually sold to Evans was a fine replica of the ring.

Evans had returned to England with the belief that he had bought the actual ring, along with a copy, and donated both, along with other precious artifacts, to the Ashmolean Museum. Today, two replicas of the legendary ring continue to be exhibited at the Ashmolean.

The story of the ring was forgotten for decades, but in the early 2000s, Giorgos Kazantzis, a retired police officer, inherited the house of the priest who was the last person in Greece who had had possession of the priceless artifact.

During renovation work, Kazantzis found a jar hidden inside the wall next to the fireplace. Inside the jar was a ring, which indeed proved to be the original Ring of King Minos. It even had the scratch made by Papadakis over seventy years ago.

Kazantzis delivered the precious artifact to the state, and in 2002, the Central Archaeological Council and a panel of expert archaeologists confirmed the authenticity of the ring. The actual monetary value of the ring was estimated to be €400,000 although its cultural value is incalculable.

Yet, for finding the ring and promptly delivering it to the appropriate authorities, Kazantzis was given a measly finder’s fee of €440.

Today, the priceless, gold Minoan ring is exhibited in all its splendor at the Heraklion Archaeological Museum.

In Homer’s Iliad, Thetis plays an important role in shaping the destiny of her son, Achilles. As a goddess, she intervenes at key moments in the epic, pushing the Greek hero to alter the course of events.

Although Thetis appears less frequently than many of the warriors and gods who dominate the battlefield at Troy, her actions influence some of the most significant developments in the poem. As a sea goddess and the mother of the greatest Greek warrior, she occupies a unique position between the divine and mortal worlds. She cannot prevent Achilles from dying, since the Fates have already decreed it, yet she repeatedly intervenes to protect his honor, ease his suffering, and ensure that his glory endures.

Through Thetis’ character, Homer explores themes of maternal love, fate, mortality, glory, and divine power. The first major instance of Thetis helping Achilles occurs in Book 1. After Agamemnon captures Briseis, a captive woman awarded to Achilles as a war prize, the Greek hero feels deeply dishonored and withdraws from battle. In his grief and anger, Achilles calls upon his mother. Thetis immediately rises from the sea to comfort him and listen to his complaint.

This scene reveals the extraordinary bond between mother and son. Unlike many divine figures in Greek mythology, Thetis responds with sympathy and tenderness. She understands Achilles’ suffering because she is painfully aware of his short lifespan. Her lament for him reflects a mother’s helplessness in the face of fate.

Thetis petitions Zeus to turn events in favor of Troy

After hearing Achilles’ request, Thetis undertakes one of the most consequential actions in the epic. She travels to Olympus and petitions Zeus to punish the Greeks by granting success to the Trojans. Her aim is not simply revenge but the restoration of Achilles’ honor. Zeus eventually agrees, and his decision alters the course of the war. The Trojans begin to gain the upper hand, while the Greeks suffer devastating losses. Through this intervention, Thetis helps Achilles achieve the recognition he believes Agamemnon has denied him.

This episode demonstrates the extent of Thetis’ influence among the gods. Although she cannot alter fate itself, she is capable of shaping the chain of events that leads toward it. Her appeal to Zeus succeeds in part because of a previous favor she had done for him. In this sense, her assistance rests not only on maternal devotion but also on her standing within the divine order. Achilles’ withdrawal from battle would have remained a private grievance without Thetis’ intervention. Instead, it escalates into a crisis that engulfs the entire Greek army.

The second major instance of Thetis helping Achilles occurs after the death of Patroclus. Patroclus, Achilles’ closest companion, enters battle wearing Achilles’ armor and is killed by Hector. When Achilles learns of his friend’s death, he is overwhelmed by grief and rage. Once again, Thetis hears her son’s cries and goes to him. This scene is among the most emotional in the Iliad. Thetis is aware that Achilles’ decision to return to battle will lead directly to his own death, yet she does not attempt to stop him. Instead, she offers comfort and practical assistance.

Hephaestus forges the invincible shield of Achilles

Achilles cannot immediately rejoin the fighting because Hector has confiscated his armor. Recognizing his need, Thetis travels to the forge of Hephaestus and requests new armor for her son. Hephaestus responds by crafting the magnificent shield of Achilles, one of the most celebrated objects in world literature. The shield depicts scenes of war and peace, labor and celebration, and life and death. With this armor, Thetis enables Achilles to return to battle and fulfill his heroic destiny.

This act of assistance is particularly significant because it highlights the limits of divine power. Thetis can secure the finest armor ever made, but she cannot save Achilles from mortality. Her help therefore reflects the tragic paradox that every action she takes to aid her son also brings him closer to the fate she most fears. The armor allows Achilles to defeat Hector, but it also marks the final stage of his journey toward death.

Thetis’ role after Hector’s death further underscores her importance. Achilles becomes consumed by grief and rage, dragging Hector’s body around the tomb of Patroclus. The gods disapprove of this behavior and decide that Hector must be returned to his family. Zeus sends Thetis to deliver his command to Achilles. She successfully persuades her son to release the body in exchange for ransom, helping restore moral balance and preparing the tale for closure.

This final intervention reveals another dimension of Thetis’ assistance. Earlier, she helped Achilles gain honor through vengeance; now she helps him regain humanity through compassion. Her influence guides him from destructive rage toward acceptance. The reconciliation between Achilles and Priam, one of the most moving scenes in ancient literature, would not have occurred without Thetis serving as the messenger between gods and mortals.

The complexity of Thetis, the mother of Achilles

Modern scholars have emphasized the complexity of Thetis’ character. Rather than portraying her simply as a nurturing mother, recent studies highlight her power and agency. Thetis is more than a grieving parent. She is a divine force capable of influencing both Olympus and the battlefield for the benefit of her son. This is evident in actions such as her request to Hephaestus to forge an impenetrable suit of armor for Achilles.

At the same time, scholars frequently stress the tragic nature of her motherhood. Classicist Emily Wilson observes that she has come to view the Iliad as “a poem about the pain of a goddess mother who adores her mortal child and can’t protect him.” This insight captures the emotional core of Thetis’ role in the epic. Despite her divine status, she remains powerless as a mother in the face of fate. Her interventions can shape events, but they cannot prevent the loss she knows is imminent.

Other scholars have also noted that grief defines Thetis’ presence throughout the epic poem. Classicist Serena Cannavale describes Thetis in the Iliad as “a figure of grief,” emphasizing that her sorrow is present long before Achilles actually dies. Her laments anticipate the tragedy that hangs over the entire narrative.

Ultimately, Thetis helps Achilles in three essential ways: she restores his honor by persuading Zeus to favor the Trojans, she equips him for revenge by obtaining new armor from Hephaestus, and she guides him back toward humanity by conveying Zeus’s command to release Hector’s body to Priam. These actions shape the central events of the Iliad and reveal the profound connection between mother and son. Yet the tragedy of Thetis lies in the fact that her power cannot overcome destiny. She can comfort Achilles, protect his reputation, and secure his everlasting glory, but she cannot save his life.

For this reason, Thetis embodies the tension between divine power and human mortality. Every time she helps Achilles, she demonstrates her love, yet every act of assistance also reminds readers that fate is stronger than even the gods. Through Thetis, Homer presents a moving portrait of maternal devotion in the face of inevitable loss, making her one of the emotional centers of the Iliad.

The Ancient Greeks were active travelers, despite the dangers of land travel and the fear of highwaymen. Sea travel required ample supplies and means.

A fascinating archaeological find exhibited in the Agora Museum in Athens is rectangular clay tablets with inscribed names and occupations that purportedly served as travel documents in antiquity.

Most travelers were aristocrats and well-to-do citizens who traveled to witness and experience the wonders of the ancient world, and other famous places and sights.

Others traveled for pilgrimage; healing in sanctuaries such as the Sanctuary of Asclepius in Olympia, the Sanctuary of Apollo on Delos Island, or to attend religious festivals and monumental athletic events like the Olympic Games at Olympia or the Panathenaic Games in Athens.

Merchants also traveled to other parts of Greece, or across the Mediterranean and beyond to promote and sell their goods to destinations such as Egypt, Asia Minor, the Middle East, and the Black Sea.

The Ancient Greeks were curious about the world and had a great desire to learn. For that reason, they held travel in high regard. The most famous epic journeys, such as Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey or Jason’s expedition to retrieve the Golden Fleece, had protagonists who had to travel far and undergo trials to achieve their goals.

In their long journeys. They experienced great adventures, encountered grave dangers, and saw things and, above all, places they would never see if confined in their birthplace all their lives. These epics celebrated heroic adventures through travel.

Then people from all over Greece and beyond would travel far to consult the oracle at Delphi and plan their future.

Also, it was through travel that ancient Greeks discovered places worth exploring and exploiting, such as uninhabited fertile lands or seaside areas with great potential, where they established trading colonies.

Overall, the accounts of travelers provided valuable information about the contemporary world. In modern day, these accounts help us understand the world during that period.

Practical issues of traveling in antiquity

In addition, Greeks who traveled frequently brought back new ideas, Eastern tastes in clothing, jewelry, and foods, as well as architectural trends.

The ancient Greeks discovered new lands and established trading colonies across the Mediterranean, Asia Minor, and the Black Sea from the 8th through the 6th centuries. Many of these have evolved into the great cities that still stand today.

The most famous of the colonies were those in Magna Graecia, in today’s southern Italy and Sicily (Calabria, Apulia, Basilicata, Campania, Syracuse, Tarentum, Sybaris, and Croton), where the Greek element is still alive today, especially in the language.

Other important ancient Greek colonies were Massalia (modern-day Marseilles in France), Cyrene in Libya, and Byzantium on the Bosporus Strait, which later became Constantinople.

Greek philosophers on travelling

Several ancient Greek philosophers valued travelling as a means to gain knowledge and experience. Encountering different cultures and experiencing new environments broadens one’s perspective. Great figures like Thales and Pythagoras traveled to Egypt and other regions to study and acquire knowledge.

Aristotle believed that empirical observation and practical experience are good sources of knowledge. Provided, though, that one had the foundations in reason and virtue through formal education. Otherwise, one could not learn simply by travelling. The philosopher is known as saying, not in the exact words, that travel is education for the young and experience for the old.

For those who are older, Aristotle believed that they accumulate experience and wisdom by travelling. They reflect on their lives, gain new insights into the world, and may appreciate life more profoundly.

“Those who wish to know about the world must learn about it in its particular details,” said Heraclitus, the Greek philosopher from Ephesus. The quote implies that a man should travel to learn about the world with his own eyes. Heraclitus believed that the world is constantly changing: “The only thing that is constant is change,” is one of his famous quotes.

With his phrase “τα πάντα ρεί” (everything flows), Heraclitus said that the world is in perpetual motion; therefore, man should be constantly moving as well.

Plato is known for having traveled extensively, visiting Italy, Sicily, Egypt, and Libya. The reason he traveled so much was his disappointment with Athenian society. He was exposed to new cultures and ideas during his travels, which influenced his philosophical development and his Theory of Forms.

Other philosophers who traveled extensively were Thales of Miletus, who visited Egypt to study science and mathematics. Pythagoras traveled to Egypt, Israel, Babylonia, and possibly India. Democritus traveled in Asia, Egypt, and possibly India and Ethiopia.

Socrates, on the other hand, was against travelling and he never left Athens, his hometown. The father of philosophy, for many, believed that man should only make internal journeys. He emphasized self-knowledge and ethical development, which he believed were best pursued through internal reflection and dialogue.

The recorded history of wine in Ancient Greece begins around the 15th century BC, while viticulture appears to have existed as early as the Neolithic era, 6,500 years ago.

Ancient Greece is also the place where modern wine culture began, as wine consumption stopped being solely a sacred act, as it had been when priests and rulers controlled the vineyards.

By the early Bronze Age, vineyard cultivation of grapes was widespread in ancient Greece, and by the time of the rise of the Minoan and Mycenaean civilizations, wine was part of everyday life, for consumption and/or production.

By that time in Greek society, wine was an economically important business.

Wine and commerce in ancient Greece

There was substantial interaction between the Mycenaean and Minoan cultures, based mainly on commerce.

Around 1200 BC, people from northern Greece invaded the southern Mycenaean area, which was a monarchy.

The war devastated the Mycenaean lands, generating thousands of poor refugee families who escaped to fortified cities for protection.

In order to consolidate their powers, the invaders gave more privileges to the common people, thus undermining the power of monarchs and aristocrats.

The new, democratic city-states were slowly created over time with the common people having more freedoms and opportunities.

Gradually, the common people started cultivating plots of land, with vineyards and olive groves being the most plentiful and lucrative.

People could thus own vineyards, cultivate them, and trade and drink their own wine. A new class of merchants, albeit a small one, was born.

At the same time, more and more people in ancient Greece began to drink wine for pleasure rather than as a sacred ritual.

Colonization and trade expansion

The Greek city-states then began to establish colonies throughout the Mediterranean. The settlers, already experienced in vine cultivation, brought grapevines with them and were able to better cultivate already-existing vineyards.

Moving west, Sicily and southern Italy were the first colonies established by ancient Greeks. Greeks even called the southern part of the Italian Peninsula Oenotria (“the land of vines”).

Other Greeks settled in Massalia (Marseille) in southern France while others moved east all the way to the shores of the Black Sea.

The colonies provided more opportunities for wine merchants. The Greeks could now introduce their wines as far as the western part of France and to the Black Sea in the east.

Athens was a large and lucrative market for wine, as the climate in the Attica region was ideal for vines, and production was substantial. Wine from Attica was traded in all the lands along the eastern Mediterranean Sea.

Other areas famous for wine in ancient Greece were the islands of Santorini and Thasos. This is especially true in Santorini, where the rich volcanic soil produced exceptional grapes. Ancient Greeks were very particular about the origin of their wines.

Major trading partners for wine in ancient Greece were Crimea, Egypt, Scythia, and Etruria among others, as the Greeks traded their knowledge of viticulture and winemaking.

Indicative of the lucrative trade of wine from Greece is a shipwreck discovered off the coast of southern France that held nearly 10,000 amphorae containing almost 300,000 liters (79,000 US gallons) of Greek wine.

Diluted wine

The wine in ancient Greece was unlike what we know today. It was not left undiluted but was mixed with water in precise proportions in a vessel called a krater.

In certain seaside areas or islands, such as Santorini, Greeks used to mix wine with salt water as a preservative and for the taste it imparted. Honey was sometimes added to sweeten the wine.

The mixing of water and wine was for the drinker to enable him or herself to maintain composure and self-control, traits that were highly valued in ancient Greek society.

In fact, ancient Greeks seemed to believe that only barbarians—in most cases that simply meant non-Greeks—drank unmixed wine, got drunk and behaved like…barbarians.

Modern wine culture begins in Greece

Along with their wine, Greeks had exported their way of life, including vine-growing, winemaking, and enjoying wine, to almost every port in the Mediterranean basin.

Socrates praised wine in the following quote:

“Wine moistens and tempers the spirit and lulls the cares of the mind to rest. It revives our joys and is oil to the dying flame of life.”

Plato also praised the fruit of the vine:

“What is better adapted than the festive use of wine in the first place to test, and in the second place to train, the character of a man, if care be taken in the use of it? What is there cheaper or more innocent?

The ubiquitousness of the word “symposium” in ancient Greece, which literally means “drinking with others”—meant that ancient Greeks loved to get together, eat, drink, and converse during and after the meal.

It was a favorite pastime for well-to-do ancient Greeks to eat, drink, discuss, and, occasionally, philosophize, at these symposia.

Such convivial get-togethers have been illustrated on many types of Greek vases and sculptures. Examples of discussions that took place in symposia can be found in Plato’s Symposium and Xenophon’s Symposium.

Usually, symposia were hosted by aristocratic men for their peers. They would relax in recliners called klinai and drink from terracotta or, depending on how rich the host was, from bronze, silver, even gold, cups.

Wine was also used for medicinal purposes in ancient Greece. The great  physician Hippocrates prescribed different wines depending on the disease.

Ancient Greeks also had a god of wine, the mischievous Dionysus. The god of the grape harvest, winemaking, fertility, orchards, fruit, vegetation, insanity, and ritual madness, he was also the god of religious ecstasy and festivity; overall, it was he who embodied the colorful, vibrant life of ancient Greece.

 

 

As Greece continues to lose its manufacturing industry, becoming all the more dependent on the service sector, an urgent restart and shift to a complex economy is crucial for the country’s economic viability.

A complex economy is interconnected with other industries that are not necessarily geographically concentrated or thematically related but which share common infrastructure, resources, and solid interdependencies in production and supply chains. The Internet of Things (IoT), automation, and data-sharing are vital for the development and success of a complex economy.

A recent Bank of Greece report states that tourism in 2025 accounted for 13 percent of the country’s GDP. The government presents this as a sign of success, but, behind the numbers, there is a sad ascertainment: Greece is no longer producing goods, and almost everything other than agricultural products is imported. Substantial revenue from tourism is definitely not a bad thing. However, the average Greek does not benefit from tourism revenue. As the cost of living rises, bragging about “soaring tourism revenues” is not filling the citizen’s supermarket cart.

According to Statista and the World Bank, between 2013 and 2023, 68.6 percent of Greece’s GDP came from the service sector, while 15.2 percent of revenue stemmed from industry and 3.3 percent from agriculture. Kostas Axarloglou, the dean and a professor at Alba Graduate Business School, says the Greek industry needs a restart and transition to a complex economy. In other words, Greece needs to enter “Industry 4.0,” or the Fourth Industrial Revolution, in which interconnectedness, automation, and real-time data are key.

Low labor productivity and wages

According to Axarloglou, only four percent of the Greek population is now employed in sectors related to Greece’s complex economy, which amounts to approximately only 11 percent of the value added to the country’s GDP in general. Additionally, in the Eastern Mediterranean nation, there is fragmentation into a large number of small businesses, exhibiting both low labor productivity and wages.

As per The Atlas of Economic Complexity, the industry sector in the Greek economy presents a relatively low degree of complexity in relation to GDP, an element indicative of low potential for economic growth in the future. Nonetheless, from 2018 onwards, The Atlas of Economic Complexity records positive growth in exports with the main contributors, among others, being the pharmaceutical and IT sectors.

A gradual structural transformation of the economy is also being observed, with the transfer of productive resources and activity towards manufacturing sectors with higher added value and productivity, such as electronics and machinery manufacturing. Finally, significant opportunities to strengthen and complement the country’s existing productive fabric have been recorded.

Axarloglou argues that there are both an overall low degree of complexity as well as structural problems in Greek manufacturing. The existence of companies with high levels of specialized know-how, however, provides a sufficient launching point in supporting the restarting of industry and the general production base of the country, which could lead to sustainable development in the Greek economy.

Importance of a complex economy in Greece

Axarloglou referenced the US industry and its contribution to the economy. While the manufacturing industry in the US constitutes 11 percent of GDP, it contributes 35 percent in productivity increase and 60 percent in exports. Furthermore, the complex economy in the United States is the engine of innovation, with related industry sectors producing 55 percent of patents and contributing 70 percent of total expenditure on research and development.

A recent study (Yong, 2020) analyzes the contribution of complexity in a set of economies with varying characteristics. The importance of dynamic industries in economic growth as well as the development of social capabilities and a significant contribution to the achievement of the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in each country’s economy were scrutinized.

Overall, the study found there is a direct impact of economic complexity on the development of specific UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), including on poverty reduction, education, job creation, technological economic upgrading, and overall economic development. Moreover, policy interventions for manufacturing expansion are especially vital as they contribute to the development of skills in the country, triggering technological innovation and creating new markets and institutions.

Consequently, the development of a complex economy in Greece could greatly contribute to GDP and the implementation of UN SDGs. It must be mentioned that, in previous decades, manufacturing significantly lagged behind in general, but this lag has eased in recent years.

The two pillars for a complex economy

The development of a sustainable complex economy should be based on two pillars, Axarloglou argues: firstly, extroversion and internationalization and, secondly, innovation and specialization. The Greek industry would profit from participation in International Production Networks (IPNs). This is more feasible now, as these networks evolve from the impact of circular economy, digital transformation, sustainability, and new technologies such as robotics. The mechanisms and structures that would aid in the development of a complex economy are related to the National Recovery and Resilience Plan “Greece 2.0.”

According to Axarloglou, Greece should also orient its manufacturing production towards the international market and within the framework of the Global Value Chain Networks (GVCN), developing even at regional levels. This would include energy networks in the southeastern Mediterranean and innovation pockets in Thessaloniki and Northern Greece. In addition, market megatrends, namely digital technologies, automation-robotics, sustainability and climate change, and a circular economy, should seriously be considered as worthy endeavors.

The adoption of new technologies and digitalization of operations and processes are likewise vital. Such technologies are directly related to the internet, including the IoT, the cloud, and digital platforms and ecosystems. These lead to a greater degree of integration of production, a reduction in transaction costs and easier participation, and more effective coordination of cooperating companies from various geographical locations.

Data collection and analysis (data analytics) help in better production coordination and management within GVCNs and geographically dispersed networks. Moreover, the use of online commercial platforms (e-commerce) results in easy and direct access for producers to raw materials and semi-finished products. Large markets of potential customers are also much more readily accessible.

Sustainable development, climate change, and the circular economy

All the more, a global trend for sustainable development is affecting the structure, organization, and development of GVCNs. There is a growing need to closely monitor and control companies’ social and climate footprints and their alignment with Environment, Social, and Governance (ESG) priorities. At the same time, the imposition of rules on sustainability issues by governments directly affects the structure and operation of GVCNs since these lead to changes in transportation costs and countries’ advantageous dependence on renewable energy availability.

The necessity for sustainability and more efficient management of resources is leading to countries’ adoption of regulations for the operation of the economy and dynamic industries, and businesses are formulating business models and strategies compatible with the imperatives of the circular economy. Technological development now results in technologically and economically feasible production processes that operate within the framework of the circular economy. There is a focus on significant waste reduction, savings, and recycling / reutilization of raw materials and products.

Companies, therefore, develop business models within ecosystems based on collaboration with other companies in order to sustainably produce and deliver value. The purpose of these models and ecosystems is to effectively manage the life cycle of products and spare parts. Of course, the transition from a traditional-linear / operation-production model to a circular one mandates that companies make significant changes in the way they perceive the creation and distribution of value in the economy.

At the same time, the way in which producers in the complex economy model collect revenue is also changing. While, traditionally, income came from product sales, in the circular economy model, profits stem from product rental and other such services. This of course requires new skill development for value production more closely aligned with industrial product usage services, often the result of strategic partnerships among companies.

The circular business model, therefore, has the potential to revitalize manufacturing sectors and businesses by giving them the opportunity to develop new partnerships with companies and ecosystems within the framework of the GVCN, minimizing the burden on the environment, maintaining economic robustness, and achieving the triptych of objectives: an interconnection between the environment, society, and economy, leading to robustness.

European Union funds

The participation of the Greek complex economy in the GVCNs—and mainly in the regional GVCN—requires horizontal interventions that will establish and even improve the required structures and environment, thereby enabling Greek manufacturing to become competitive. Axarloglou argues that Greece has a great opportunity to improve its complex economy with the National Recovery and Resilience Plan “Greece 2.0.” It is a comprehensive plan of reforms and investments for the restructuring of the country’s production model within the extroversion-competitiveness-innovation axis.

The plan is based on initial funding of $35.6 billion (€31.1 billion) for the 2022-2026 period (approximately $21 billion in the form of subsidies and about $14.5 billion in the form of loans), with the prospect of drawing additional investment resources totaling $67.4 billion (€58.8 billion). The plan consists of four Pillars (and 18 sub-axes), namely green transition; digital transition; employment, skills, and social cohesion; and private investment and transformation of the economy.

Green transition emphasizes the energy transformation of the Greek economy towards renewable energy sources and a more energy-efficient operation of the economy, the more efficient use of natural resources, and the promotion of a circular economy.

The digital transition of the economy includes investment in infrastructure (optical fibers, 5G, etc.), the digital transformation of the state, and the promotion and adoption of digital technologies by businesses so that they can be interconnected in the International Production Networks (IPNs).

Employment, skills, and social cohesion includes actions to improve the functioning of the labor market, the reintegration of the unemployed into the labor market, the creation of jobs, and the reduction of inequalities, poverty, and social and economic exclusion.

Finally, private investment and economic transformation includes investments and actions to modernize public administration, strengthen the financial system, promote and support research and innovation, modernize and improve the resilience of key sectors—such as tourism and manufacturing—of the economy, and ultimately improve competitiveness and promote private investment and exports.

“Industry 4.0”

The acceleration of the “Industry 4.0” transformation program includes digital transformation as well as the development of “smart” production and a new generation of industrial parks in Greece. The promotion and support of investments for the development of new or upgraded production lines would enhance production and cooperation in GVCNs and improve competitiveness with an emphasis on advanced and digitally controlled industrial equipment, production control systems, and the establishment of industrial partnerships.

Furthermore, there should be significant structural changes to reduce bureaucracy related to business operations and simplify procedures for attracting and implementing foreign direct investment in the country. This will be possible with the implementation of horizontal actions to strengthen the Greek economy within the framework of the National Recovery and Resilience Plan “Greece 2.0.” Therefore, the “Greece 2.0” and “Industry 4.0” programs are inextricably linked to each other for the development of a productive complex economy in the country.

Recent research shows that ancient Greeks used a primitive type of lifting machine to move heavy stones before they began using cranes 2,500 years ago.

It is commonly believed that the foremost discovery of the ancient Greeks in building technology is the crane. Yet, enormous stone structures were known to have been built in Greece at least 150 years before the use of cranes themselves.

Cranes first appeared in the late sixth century BC, according to research published in the Annual of the British School at Athens, but their mechanical forerunners were used in buildings such as the Temples of Isthmia and Corinth at least 150 years before that, around the middle of the seventh century BC.

The researchers say that ancient Greeks were likely to have first used ramps made of earth or mudbrick to lift the heavy stone blocks used in major construction. The lifting devices are thought to have been similar to the ones used by ancient Egyptians and Assyrians centuries earlier.

The precursor of the crane lifting machine

The paper, written by Alessandro Pierattini, an assistant professor of architecture at the University of Notre Dame, argues that a kind of lifting machine used by the ancient Greeks was the next precursor to the crane, one which was capable of lifting ashlar blocks weighing over 200 to 400 kilograms (440 to 880 pounds).

The lifting machine was originally invented by the Corinthians, who used it to build ships and for lowering heavy sarcophagi into narrow, deep burial pits. It was not a crane, since it did not use winches or hoists. Instead, the builders redirected the force of the weight by using a rope passed over a frame.

“This kind of masonry represents a crucial step in the development of Greek monumental stone architecture, marking a departure both from mudbrick construction, which had been the norm for most Greek buildings, and from previous experiments with stone construction,” Pierattini writes.

The first documented use of the lever in Greek temples

Evidence of the device is considered to be grooves etched onto the bottom of stones used to construct the Corinth and Isthmia temples. These grooves are familiar to historians, but until now, it had been unknown if the grooves had occurred as a result of lifting the blocks during the building process or from moving them around in quarries.

For the study, Pierattini studied stone blocks used in early Greek temples while he also engaged in some hands-on experimental archaeology. He studied the blocks from the mid-seventh-century temples at Corinth and Isthmia and their peculiar markings—two parallel rope-grooves cut into their undersides which turned up on one end.

Using actual stones and ropes, Pierattini found that the grooves could have served a dual function, allowing builders to both lift the blocks and position them tightly against their neighbors along the walls of buildings.

“With heavy stone blocks and high friction between stone surfaces, this was a highly problematic step of construction that in later times would require sets of purpose-made holes for using metal levers,” said Pierattini.

“Μy paper demonstrates that the builders of the early temples at Corinth and Isthmia were already using levers for the final setting of the blocks. This represents the first documented use of the lever in Greek architecture,” the professor explained to Gizmodo.

Stoicism, was one of ancient Greece’s philosophical movements founded by Zeno of Citium in Athens in the early 3rd century BC.

Stoicism is a philosophy of personal ethics informed by its system of logic and its views on the natural world. For the Stoic, virtue alone is sufficient for human happiness.

For Stoics, emotions like fear, envy, passionate love were merely false judgements and the sage, a person who had attained moral and intellectual perfection, would not be touched by them.

It is a philosophy of life where the individual maximizes positive emotions, reduces negative emotions, and helps him or herself hone their virtues of character.

The name derives from the porch (stoa poikile) in the Agora at Athens decorated with mural paintings, where the members of the school congregated, and their lectures were held.

Birth of Stoicism, one of ancient Greece’s philosophical movements

The philosophy of Stoicism was originally known as “Zenonism” after the founder, Zeno of Citium.

Zeno ended up in Athens after his ship wrecked near the city. He was not a philosopher, but he turned his misfortune into an opportunity by studying all the philosophical resources available in the city.

He sat in on lectures from the other schools of philosophy (e.g., Cynicism, Epicureanism) and eventually started his own.

However, the Stoics did not believe that the founders were perfectly wise. In order to avoid their philosophy becoming a cult of personality, they chose to name it Stoicism after the place they were meeting, the stoa poikile of the Agora.

Zeno’s ideas developed from those of the Cynics, whose founding father, Antisthenes, had been a disciple of Socrates. Zeno’s most influential follower was Chrysippus, who was responsible for molding what is now called Stoicism.

Other prominent Stoics included Cleanthes of Assos, Panaetius of Rhodes, Aristo of Chios, Posidonius of Apameia, Diodotus, and others.

Later, Seneca, Epictetus, and Roman emperor Marcus Aurelius ushered Stoicism to the Roman world. The philosophy flourished until the 3rd century AD.

Stoic Philosophy

According to Stoicism, the path to eudaimonia (happiness) is embracing and accepting the moment as it presents itself by not allowing oneself to be controlled by the desire for pleasure or by the fear of pain.

The Stoic must use his or her mind to understand the world and to do one’s part in nature’s plan by working together and treating others fairly and justly.

The Stoics are especially known for the teaching “virtue is the only good” and that people must lead a virtuous life to be accomplished and complete human beings.

External things—such as health, wealth, and pleasure—are not good or bad in and of themselves but have value as “material for virtue to act upon.”

The Stoics also held that certain destructive emotions, such as fear or jealousy, resulted from errors of judgment, and they believed people should aim to maintain a prohairesis (will) that is “in accordance with nature.”

To live a good life, a person had to understand the rules of the natural order, Stoics believed, since everything was rooted in nature.

For many Stoics, virtue is sufficient for happiness. Thus, a sage would be emotionally resilient to misfortune and would therefore be considered truly free.

According to Stoics, people don’t truly have control over many things and situations in life. Therefore, they believe that worrying about things outside of their control is unproductive, or even irrational for a person who wants to attain tranquility and happiness.

Stoics differentiate between what is and what is not under human control and do not waste energy and thoughts over uncontrollable adverse events.

Where many people worry endlessly about things out of their control, the Stoics believe they should expend their energy in thinking of creative solutions to problems, rather than the issues themselves.

Stoicism is not about having a set of beliefs or ethical claims. It is not a school of philosophy that is separate from everyday life.

The stoic must continuously practice and train (“askesis”). Stoic philosophical and spiritual practices include logic, Socratic dialogue and self-dialogue.

Influence of Stoicism on Christianity

The virtuous life of the Stoic has resemblances to a life led by a good Christian. Stoic writings such as “Meditations,” by Marcus Aurelius, have been highly regarded by many Christians throughout the centuries.

The Greek term for word is logos. The Greek philosopher Heraclitus used logos (the word) to explain what he saw as the universal force of reason that governed everything.

In the 5th century BC, Heraclitus said that all things happen according to the Logos. The Stoics also believed in the Logos, along with the notions of conscience and virtue.

A few centuries later, Greek-speaking Jews came to view the Logos as a force sent by God. In the Gospel of John, Jesus is referred to as the Word — “and the Word of God was made flesh and dwelt among men.”

The apostle Paul is known to have met with Stoics during his stay in Athens. In his letters, Paul reflected on his knowledge of Stoic philosophy, using Stoic terms and metaphors to assist new converts in their understanding of Christianity.

Both Stoicism and Christianity teach a person the importance of training their mind and body to be disciplined.

Both encourage the elimination of passions and inferior emotions, such as lust and envy, from one’s life, so that the higher possibilities of one’s humanity can be awakened and developed.

“If you want to be perfect, go, sell your possessions and give to the poor, and you will have treasure in heaven,” Jesus preached.

Similarly, as Seneca wrote, “We must give up many things to which we are addicted, considering them to be good.”

The Eastern Orthodox Church and Oriental Orthodox Church accept the Stoic ideal of dispassion to this day, as do ascetics all over the world.

Stoicism today

Daily Stoic, How to be a Stoic, The Modern Times Stoic, Modern Stoicism, Traditional Stoicism: these are only a handful of the websites that hail the importance of—even the need for—Stoicism in the 21st century.

Is it possible, though, for today’s man to embrace a philosophy that teaches indifference to material things and possessions in a ruthlessly material world?

An intellectual and popular movement called Modern Stoicism began at the end of the 20th century which is aimed at reviving the practice of Stoicism.

However, before that, Stoic philosophy served as the original philosophical inspiration for modern cognitive psychotherapy, particularly as mediated by Dr. Albert Ellis’ Rational-Emotive Behavior Therapy (REBT), the major precursor of Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT).

In the original cognitive therapy treatment manual for depression by Aaron T. Beck et al., it is stated, “The philosophical origins of cognitive therapy can be traced back to the Stoic philosophers.”

A well-known quotation from the “Enchiridion” of Epictetus was taught to most clients during the initial session by Ellis and his followers: “It’s not the events that upset us, but our judgments about the events.”

This subsequently became a common element in the socialization phase of many other approaches to CBT.

Ryan Holiday’s The Obstacle is the Way; Stoicism—A Stoic Approach to Modern Life, by Tom Miles; Modern Stoicism, by Steve Brooks; and Modern Stoicism—How to Be a Stoic in the 21st Century, by Stephen Ryan are some of the books on Stoicism that have been published recently.

Famous Stoic quotes

“The happiness of your life depends upon the quality of your thoughts.”

“Luck is what happens when preparation meets opportunity.”

“You have power over your mind—not outside events. Realize this, and you will find strength.”

“It is not death that a man should fear, but he should fear never beginning to live.”

“Think of yourself as dead. You have lived your life. Now take what’s left and live it properly.”

“To live a good life; we all have the potential for it, if we learn to be indifferent to what makes no difference.”

“Death smiles at us all, but all a man can do is smile back.”

“Accept whatever comes to you woven in the pattern of your destiny, for what could more aptly fit your needs?”

“The object of life is not to be on the side of the majority, but to escape finding oneself in the ranks of the insane.”

“The best revenge is not to be like your enemy.”

“Very little is needed to make a happy life; it is all within yourself, in your way of thinking.”

“Loss is nothing else but change, and change is nature’s delight.”

“It is not because things are difficult that we don’t dare; it is because we do not dare that things are difficult.”

“A gem cannot be polished without friction, nor a man perfected without trials.”

“The bravest sight in the world is to see a man struggling against adversity.”

“Throw me to the wolves and I will return leading the pack.”

“Life is never incomplete if it is an honorable one. At whatever point you leave life, if you leave it in the right way, it is whole.”

“Man is affected not by events, but by the view he takes of them.”

“Sometimes even to live is an act of courage.”

“If you really want to escape the things that harass you, what you’re needing is not to be in a different place but to be a different person.”

“He suffers more than necessary, who suffers before it is necessary.”

“It is not the man who has too little, but the man who craves more, that is poor.”

“If a man knows not to which port he sails, no wind is favorable.”

“If you want to improve, be content to be foolish and stupid.”

“The world turns aside to let any man pass who knows where he is going.”

“Seek not the good in eternal things, seek it in yourselves.”

“It is the nature of the wise to resist pleasures, but the foolish to be a slave to them.”

“No man is free who is not a master of himself.”

“It is impossible to begin to learn that which one thinks one already knows.”

“Never depend on the admiration of others. There is no strength in it. Personal merit cannot be derived from an external source.”

For the Ancient Greeks, virtue was regarded as the highest quality a person could possess, and living virtuously was considered the ultimate goal of life.

Virtue was not merely a philosophical concept but a moral guide to be followed. Living a virtuous life was the greatest achievement for an Ancient Greek, but beyond moral virtue, the word itself also conveyed meanings of excellence, purpose in life, goodness, and happiness (eudaimonia, ευδαιμονία)—the fulfillment of human nature itself.

Reference to virtue (aretē, αρετή) first appeared in Homer’s epics, the Iliad and the Odyssey, and later evolved into a central ideal for Greek philosophers such as Socrates and Aristotle. In the Iliad, Homer exalted the virtue of bravery, placing Achilles at the forefront as the model of an excellent warrior. Achilles fought and triumphed for the sake of honor but accepted the fate destined for him.

In the Odyssey, Homer praised the virtues of intelligence (or cunning) and the endurance of Odysseus. His loyalty to Penelope is also celebrated, reflecting the virtue of loyalty to family and home. Upon returning to Ithaca, Odysseus declared that “there is nothing nobler than a man and wife who share their minds and hearts in harmony.”

The Ancient Greeks, Socrates, and virtue

Socrates, the Ancient Greek philosopher regarded by most as the father of philosophy, believed that knowledge and virtue were inseparable. The pursuit of virtue was of great importance, as Socrates viewed it as synonymous with knowledge of the good: to know what is good is to do what is good. “Virtue does not come from wealth, but wealth and every other good thing which men have comes from virtue, both to the individual and to the state” Socrates said.

By the time of the classical philosophers, the Ancient Greek world had evolved. The city-state (polis) had replaced the heroic household as the center of life, and the question was no longer how to be a great warrior but how to be a good citizen and a good person. Socrates emerged as the first great moral philosopher. “No one errs willingly,” he insisted in Plato’s Protagoras—meaning that moral failure arises from ignorance, not malice. He believed that virtue could be taught.

Socrates’ famous elenchus was a dialectical method of questioning, testing, and refining ideas. Through a series of probing questions, the method sought to expose contradictions in a person’s beliefs and systematically guide them toward a clearer, more consistent understanding of truth. By revealing these contradictions, Socrates led people toward self-knowledge.

When he was arrested and tried for disrespecting the gods and corrupting Athenian youth with his teachings, he famously declared, “The unexamined life is not worth living” (Apology 38a). For Socrates, the pursuit of virtue was the same as the pursuit of wisdom. Courage, justice, temperance, and piety were not separate traits but expressions of a unified understanding of the good. Thus, Socrates transformed virtue from heroic excellence into a philosophical and ethical ideal grounded in reason and self-knowledge.

Plato and the soul

Plato, Socrates’ most famous pupil and the philosopher who became his master’s voice, once remarked: “Consider your origins: you were not made to live as brutes, but to follow virtue and knowledge.” He developed this vision of virtue further, seeking to define its nature and role in human life. In his dialogues, especially The Republic, he explored the essence of virtue in both the individual and the state.

For Plato, the human soul was composed of three parts: the rational, spirited, and appetitive. Virtue, he taught, consisted of harmony among these elements, with reason guiding spirit and desire. Justice was this inner balance made visible in action. As he wrote, “Justice is doing one’s own work and not meddling with what is not one’s own” (Republic IV.433a). The just person, therefore, is one whose reason governs, whose spirit supports, and whose desires obey.

Plato identified four cardinal virtues that reflected this harmony: wisdom, courage, temperance, and justice. Wisdom was the virtue of reason; courage, that of the spirited part; temperance, the balance among all desires; and justice, the overarching order of the soul. These four virtues became the foundations of Western moral philosophy and profoundly influenced Christian ethical thought.

For Plato, virtue also had a transcendent dimension. True virtue was likeness to God, aimed at the Form of the Good—the ultimate reality that gives meaning and value to all things. As he wrote, “The Good is the cause of all that is right and beautiful” (Republic VI.517b). The virtuous person, through philosophical contemplation, seeks to align the soul with this divine Good, just as the sun illuminates the visible world. Thus, virtue is not only inner harmony within the self but also participation in a higher cosmic order.

Aristotle and practical virtue

For Aristotle, the concept of virtue was practical wisdom (phronēsis). He believed that ethical virtue, rather than mere self-control, is required for practical wisdom. In the Nicomachean Ethics, Aristotle defined virtue as a disposition to act correctly, formed through habit and guided by reason. Virtue was not innate, nor purely intellectual; it was something cultivated through action. “We become just by doing just acts, temperate by doing temperate acts, brave by doing brave acts” (Ethics II.1), he explained. In other words, virtue is learned by living it. As he also said, “We are what we repeatedly do. Excellence, then, is not an act but a habit.”

Aristotle’s famous doctrine of the mean illustrates the balanced nature of virtue. Every virtue lies between two extremes of excess and deficiency. Courage, for example, lies between cowardice (too little fear) and recklessness (too much). Generosity lies between stinginess and extravagance. “Virtue, then, is a state of character concerned with choice, lying in a mean,” he writes, “this being determined by reason and as the prudent person would determine it” (Ethics II.6).

For Aristotle, the goal of life was eudaimonia, often translated as “happiness” but more accurately “flourishing.” This state is achieved not through pleasure or wealth but through the full realization of one’s potential as a rational and social being. “The good for man is an activity of the soul in accordance with virtue,” he said (Ethics I.7). Virtue, then, is not a single act or rule but the lifelong practice of living wisely, courageously, and justly within a community. It requires both intellectual virtues (like wisdom and understanding) and moral virtues (like courage and moderation), harmonized under the guidance of practical wisdom.

Aristotle’s conception of virtue was purpose-driven. He believed that everything in nature has an end (telos). The eye’s purpose is to see, the seed’s to grow into a tree, and the human’s to live rationally and ethically. Virtue is the perfection of this natural purpose. Hence, for Aristotle, ethics was not about obeying rules but about fulfilling one’s nature as a rational being in society.

Quotes on virtue from Aristotle

Aristotle’s work on virtue and knowledge is unparalleled. A student of Plato and tutor to Alexander the Great, he established his own school, the Lyceum, where he explored topics ranging from biology to metaphysics. His reflections on virtue and the cultivation of character remain influential. Below are some of his most notable insights:

• Aristotle emphasized the importance of educating both mind and character, stating that “educating the mind without educating the heart is no education at all.” He highlighted self-knowledge as the foundation of wisdom: “Knowing yourself is the beginning of all wisdom,” and courage and freedom were intertwined in his thought as is evident in his statement, “He who has overcome his fears will truly be free.”
• Aristotle also emphasized the role of habit in shaping virtue: “Good habits formed at youth make all the difference.” For Aristotle, wisdom involved understanding life beyond immediate pleasure: “The aim of the wise is not to secure pleasure, but to avoid pain.” Cultivation of the mind and spirit was central to a flourishing life: “The energy of the mind is the essence of life,” and “The ideal man bears the accidents of life with dignity and grace.”
• Aristotle also reflected on honor, leadership, and moral excellence: “Dignity does not consist in possessing honors, but in deserving them,” and “He who cannot be a good follower cannot be a good leader.” Finally, he distinguished the cultivated from the uncultivated, stating that “the educated differ from the uneducated as much as the living from the dead.”

Through these statements, Aristotle encapsulated his enduring vision of virtue as a combination of wisdom, moral character, and practical living.

The Stoics, moral worth, and virtue in Ancient Greece

The Stoics believed that the goal of all philosophical inquiry was to provide a mode of conduct characterized by tranquility of mind and certainty of moral worth. Flourishing during the Hellenistic period after Aristotle’s death, Zeno of Citium founded Stoicism around 300 BC, building on and radicalizing the moral insights of earlier philosophers. For the Stoics, virtue was not merely the highest good—it was the only good.

All external things—wealth, pleasure, health, even life itself—were morally indifferent. What mattered was the state of one’s soul: one’s rational and moral integrity. As the Stoic philosopher Epictetus later observed, “It is not things themselves that disturb men, but their opinions about things” (Enchiridion 5).

The Stoics saw virtue as living in accordance with nature, which meant acting in accordance to reason and accepting fate. Since the universe was governed by divine reason (logos), the wise individual aligns with it, remaining tranquil amid the changes of fortune. Courage, justice, temperance, and wisdom remained the core virtues, but now they were expressions of a single rational attitude toward life. As Seneca, the Roman Stoic, wrote, “Virtue is the only good, and vice the only evil; everything else is indifferent” (Letters 76). Even suffering or poverty could not harm the virtuous person because virtue itself was self-sufficient.

In this way, Stoicism universalized the Greek idea of virtue. It was no longer the privilege of citizens or philosophers but the potential of every human being. The Stoic sage, like Socrates before him, embodied moral freedom through inner mastery and reason. Marcus Aurelius, emperor and Stoic, summarized this ideal succinctly: “A man’s worth is measured by the things he pursues” (Meditations VII.3). To pursue virtue was, therefore, to live fully in harmony with the divine order of the world.

Influence of the Ancient Greek conception of virtue

The ancient Greek concept of virtue has had a profound influence on Western civilization. Ideas of moral inquiry, a virtuous life, practical wisdom, and moral worth were later adopted by Christian theology and continue to resonate today. Thomas Aquinas, for example, integrated Aristotle’s virtues with Christian faith in his writings.

In their exploration of virtue, the Ancient Greek philosophers offered no simple answers to questions such as, “How can I become virtuous?” Yet they left behind a framework for thinking, questioning, and appreciating the importance of a moral life for Western civilization.

For the Ancient Greeks, to live a virtuous life was to live well, to become the best version of oneself, and to align human nature with the rational order of the cosmos. They believed that this path led not only to moral goodness but also to true happiness.