Vladimir Putin is losing the war he started. His army occupies every kilometer at a cost no economy can sustain, and the goals set in February 2022 have quietly vanished from his staff maps.

But this war has more than one front, and one of them runs through Poland. On

Poland will keep processing buses leaving Ukraine through the Shehyni-Medyka checkpoint this summer despite a planned 17-month closure for repairs. Vice Prime Minister Oleksiy Kuleba announced the reversal on Telegram on 11 June.

Lviv Customs had said the day before that traffic from Ukraine to Poland through the crossing would be suspended from 15 June until November 2027. Shehyni-Medyka is the busiest road link between the two countries.

The about-face followed urgent talks between Ukraine's Ministry for Development of Communities and Territories and the Polish Ministry of the Interior and Administration. Warsaw's Polish Embassy in Kyiv has not issued a public comment.

"Bus traffic through the 'Shehyni–Medyka' checkpoint will not be halted during the summer season, even while the repair work is being carried out." — Oleksiy Kuleba, Vice Prime Minister of Ukraine, 11 June 2026

A border managed under cooling political weather

The bus reversal was, narrowly, a technical fix. However, it landed in a year when Polish-Ukrainian relations had visibly cooled.

President Karol Nawrocki, elected in June 2025 on a "Poland First" platform, vetoed extensions of Ukrainian refugee benefits in August. He signed legislation in February ending the special-status regime that had governed Ukrainian residency since 2022.

Most recently, Nawrocki called for Volodymyr Zelenskyy to be stripped of Poland's Order of the White Eagle. The trigger was a Ukrainian Special Operations unit named for the Ukrainian Insurgent Army.

Public sentiment has shifted alongside Nawrocki. Just 48 percent of Poles still back accepting Ukrainian refugees, against 46 percent opposed, according to a January 2026 CBOS survey. That is the lowest figure recorded since Russia's full-scale invasion.

Furthermore, hate crimes against Ukrainians in Poland rose 49 percent between 2023 and 2025, The New Republic reported in April. Critically, Russia's Avanhard military camp near Volgograd remains active. More than 900 Ukrainian children passed through there for two-week shifts in 2026 alone.

Bus diplomacy meets bus politics

Polish haulers and farmers blockaded crossings repeatedly from late 2023 through 2024. They cited competition from Ukrainian carriers and grain imports. Two Ukrainian drivers died waiting in queues during the November 2023 blockade. In July 2025, Kyiv tightened Shehyni-Medyka registrations to scheduled bus routes only, citing summer overload.

A parallel dispute shows how bus traffic itself can become politicized. Earlier this week, Polish sister city Kielce refused to transfer 20-year-old municipal buses to Vinnytsia. Kielce cited a Vinnytsia street named after Stepan Bandera. Vinnytsia faces regular Russian strikes.

By contrast, the Shehyni-Medyka rollback suggests institutional cooperation can still hold even when sentiment frays. Polish construction firm Unibep signed a turnkey contract in October 2025 to modernize the same crossing. EU Entry/Exit System–compatible gates and 40 percent higher passenger throughput are targeted by Q2 2027.

For now, summer passenger traffic continues. Whether the Shehyni-Medyka corridor stays open through the autumn repair phase remains the next test of bilateral patience.

Polish president Karol Nawrocki has vetoed a one-year extension that would have let Ukrainian doctors and other non-EU medics keep working without a B1 Polish certificate. Rzeczpospolita reported the move on 11 June.

The conditional licenses Poland fast-tracked after Russia's full-scale invasion now run on a clock the head of state will not reset.

From 1 May, regional medical chambers began revoking the right to practice from anyone without a certificate.

By 11 June, 441 medics had lost it. Polish chamber spokesman Jakub Kosikowski said at the start of May that 2,321 doctors and 1,014 dentists still lacked the document.

What the veto stops

The Sejm passed the one-year extension on 15 May. The Senate followed on 22 May. Civic Coalition deputy Krzysztof Bojarski had introduced the amendment in committee days before the original 1 May deadline. Poland's Health Ministry backed the push to head off staffing collapse in hospitals already short on physicians.

Nawrocki framed his decision around patient safety.

"Every Pole has the right to expect that they will be able to effectively and without obstacles communicate with their doctor."

The Lower Silesian Medical Chamber in Wrocław has revoked 129 licenses — the most of any region. Warsaw follows with 99, Warmian-Masurian with 52, and Greater Poland with 42.

The simplified pathway through which Ukrainian doctors first gained temporary practice rights expired on 24 October 2024. After a five-year conditional permit runs out, Ukrainian doctors must nostrify their diplomas or sit the Polish Medical Verification Examination.

How the medical lobby got there first

Łukasz Jankowski, head of the Supreme Medical Council (NRL), met Nawrocki at the Presidential Palace on 20 May, between the Sejm and Senate votes.

"Thanks to this veto, patients will be treated by doctors who know Polish," Jankowski told Rzeczpospolita.

The NRL had argued during consultations that the Health Ministry was ignoring the medical community. In Jankowski's telling, the veto answered a delivered request, not a political shock.

A wider rollback

This veto sits inside a year-long pattern. Nawrocki had already vetoed broader refugee assistance in August 2025. He then forced conditional benefits tied to work or schooling. In February, he signed the law folding what remained of special Ukrainian protections into the general foreigners' regime.

Public mood has shifted around him. Polish support for hosting Ukrainian refugees crashed from 94% to 57% over the course of the war. Yet Ukrainian residents contributed roughly $5 billion to Poland's budget in 2024 through taxes and insurance.

The historical row over UPA's 1943–1944 massacres of Poles in Volhynia has pulled the relationship further down. Volodymyr Zelenskyy's May decree naming a Special Operations Forces unit "Heroes of UPA" reignited it. Foreign Ministry spokesperson Heorhii Tykhyi said on 29 May that "only Moscow benefits from disputes between Ukrainians and Poles."

The veto's clearest cost, however, will not arrive in diplomatic notes. It will show up in shifts at hospitals from Wrocław to Olsztyn that, until last month, had a Ukrainian doctor on duty.

Polish volunteers have raised more than 145,000 zloty (~$39,500) since 11 June to buy 15 decommissioned Solaris vehicles from Kielce. They plan to ship the Vinnytsia buses to Ukraine themselves, as shown on the Polish crowdfunding platform Zrzutka.pl on 12 June.

Their 500,000-zloty ($136 235) goal would buy the 17-year-old fleet at scrap value. The drive began after Polish right-wing councilors in Kielce sank a free transfer of the same Vinnytsia buses. Vinnytsia's tram-and-trolleybus grid runs on electricity. Whenever Russian strikes knock out the national power network, the city of roughly 360,000 freezes in place.

A foundation steps in where a city council stepped back

Fundacja Sikorki na Ukrainie is the Polish humanitarian group behind the drive. Since February 2022, it has shipped roughly 10 million zloty ($2.7 million) of non-weapon equipment to Ukrainian frontline units. Its tally includes 400 drones, 200 night-vision and thermal devices, 30 off-road vehicles, and 200 pallets of medical supplies. Founder Tomek Sikora worked with refugee shelters in Vinnytsia in early 2022. He later pivoted the foundation toward combat brigades near Bakhmut and Avdiivka.

The fundraiser is titled "Buses for Vinnytsia. Politicians block, we keep going." It tripled overnight. Donors pushed the running total from 57,000 zloty on the evening of 11 June to past 145,000 by dawn the next day.

"500,000 zlotys is a trifle for the state budget. For local politicians, the noise around aid is a free chance to score points in polls," the foundation wrote on Zrzutka.pl.

For the activists, the cost was not symbolic but practical.

"For us, it is the real price of proving that real solidarity still exists, and we will not let politicking block hard logistics."—Fundacja Sikorki na Ukrainie

If the Kielce purchase falls through, organizers will redirect the funds to protecting Ukrainian civilians from Russian air attacks. The model echoes a 2022 Polish citizen crowdfunding effort that bought three Mi-2 helicopters for Ukraine's military intelligence. In February 2026, a Slovak fundraiser raised one million euros in two weeks as Bratislava's government cooled on Kyiv.

How a 2022 street renaming became a 2026 sister-city flashpoint

Vinnytsia and Kielce have been sister cities since the Soviet period. The municipal donation collapsed after Law and Justice (PiS) councilors Maciej Jakubczyk and Marcin Stempniewski launched a media campaign against it. They cited Vinnytsia's 2022 renaming of a street to honor Stepan Bandera. Bandera led the wartime Ukrainian nationalist movement whose forces are blamed for the 1943-1944 ethnic cleansing of Poles in Volhynia. Stempniewski called the donation incomprehensible.

"Every time our outstretched hand to help a neighbor is hit by a stick in the form of honoring war criminals," he said, Censor.NET reported.

Vinnytsia mayor Serhii Morhunov withdrew the request on 10 June. PiS councilors then tabled a resolution demanding the city rescind the Bandera renaming. The motion failed at the 11 June council session. Twelve PiS members voted in favor, and two independents abstained. But 11 councilors from Prime Minister Donald Tusk's Civic Platform walked out. That left the resolution one vote short of the 13 needed. Stempniewski plans to resubmit it on 25 June.

The row sits inside a broader bilateral memory dispute. It flared in May after President Volodymyr Zelenskyy named a Ukrainian Armed Forces unit "Heroes of the UPA." Kielce mayor Agata Wojda has accused her city's PiS faction of "ordinary human meanness." Meanwhile, the European Commission has said bilateral disputes should not derail Ukraine's EU accession path. Activists hope the Vinnytsia buses will leave for Ukraine before the Kielce fleet is scrapped.

Kyiv has no intention of renaming the "Heroes of UPA" Special Operations Forces unit despite more than two weeks of escalating Polish pressure, a source close to the head of the Office of the President, Kyrylo Budanov, told LIGA.net on 11 June.

The denial closes the most public off-ramp that has been floated since President Volodymyr Zelenskyy signed Decree 440/2026 on 26 May. The Polish outlet Wirtualna Polska, citing its own sources, reported that during Budanov's 5–6 June visit to Warsaw, Ukrainian representatives offered a compromise that would narrow the honor to UPA members who fought only the Soviet Union—with the final call resting with Zelenskyy. "The information the Polish press conveyed does not correspond to reality," the source said.

Two weeks, four Polish escalations

Zelenskyy's decree honored the Separate Center for Special Operations "Pivnich" of Ukraine's Special Operations Forces. Within 72 hours, President Karol Nawrocki moved to strip Zelenskyy of the Order of the White Eagle, Poland's highest distinction, which had been conferred on him by then-president Andrzej Duda in April 2023. On 8 June, the order's Chapter delivered its opinion; Nawrocki's spokesman, Rafał Leśkiewicz, said the president would decide "in due time".

On 1 June, former Polish ambassador Bartosz Cichocki—who stayed in Kyiv through Russia's 2022 invasion—returned his Ukrainian Order of Merit. A day later, Sejm Deputy Speaker Krzysztof Bosak called for blocking Ukraine's EU accession until Kyiv "moves away from the cult of criminals." Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha replied on 3 June that the unit's name was the choice of Ukrainian soldiers who, "at the cost of their health and often their lives," hold the front line against Russia's war on Ukraine.

"The information the Polish press conveyed does not correspond to reality." —Source close to Budanov, LIGA.net, 11 June

A cool reception in Warsaw

The Warsaw visit, initiated by Kyiv, did not produce a public breakthrough. Budanov, accompanied by first deputy Serhii Kyslytsia and deputy Iryna Vereshchuk, met Defense Minister Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz, Bureau of International Policy chief Marcin Przydacz, and Deputy Foreign Minister Marcin Bosacki. Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski declined to meet the Ukrainian delegation.

Kosiniak-Kamysz posted afterward that "the memory of the victims of Volhynia is not up for negotiation." Prime Minister Donald Tusk added that Ukraine had "brought this problem upon itself" and should resolve it.

Kielce councilors target Vinnytsia's Bandera street

Even as Kyiv held the line, the dispute spread into sister-city relations. On 10 June, the Law and Justice (PiS) faction of the Kielce city council sent a resolution to council chair Maciej Jakubczyk calling on Vinnytsia mayor Serhii Morhunov to rename the city's Stepan Bandera street. The councilors invoked the 70-year Kielce–Vinnytsia partnership and described the street name as "a stain" linked to "mass atrocities against the defenseless civilian population".

A day earlier, Vinnytsia had withdrawn a request for 15 decommissioned Kielce buses after Jakubczyk and PiS councilor Marcin Stępniewski opposed the donation over the same street.

Some 31.9% of respondents said the controversy, which sparked a diplomatic row between Kyiv and Warsaw, did not affect their view of Ukraine, according to a survey conducted by the SW Research agency.

Poland is fighting for its piece of the 6.6 billion euro ($7.7 billion) package under the European Peace Facility, while Germany has called for full reimbursement to Kyiv.

Zelensky gave a Ukrainian military unit a new name. It reopened the most painful chapter in Polish-Ukrainian history, despite Kyiv's assurances that it was not meant to offend its western neighbors.

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