Russians pulled a record 381.2 billion rubles (approximately $5.2 billion) in cash from the banking system in May 2026. It is the largest May cash outflow since the Russian Central Bank began publishing such data in 1995, The Moscow Times reports, citing RBK's analysis of Russian Central Bank data. 

The 30-year record adds to a sustained 2026 pattern of Russians pulling cash from banks: April saw $9.2 billion in cash outflows, and March saw $4.1 billion.

The cumulative $14.8 billion in banknotes added to circulation since January reflects what Russian financial analysts describe as a confluence of geopolitical and macroeconomic uncertainty, internet outages limiting access to online banking, and the Central Bank rate cuts that have made deposits less attractive.

The Central Bank itself responded on 1 June by tightening controls on ATM cash withdrawals, with banks now able to track monthly withdrawal limits and may suspend "suspicious" operations, such as large withdrawals after long pauses or multiple operations in short timeframes.

2026 cash-flight progression

The monthly Russian cash-circulation data published by the Central Bank of Russia shows a sustained increase in cash held outside the banking system across 2026. Lead analyst Natalia Milchakova of Freedom Finance Global, quoted by The Moscow Times, explained that Russians are increasingly choosing cash due to uncertainty and a desire to have money for unplanned expenses "here and now."

Milchakova also warned that the cash shift may signal small and medium businesses moving into the shadow economy. The Central Bank itself identified business adaptation to the new 2026 tax rules as a primary driver, alongside internet outages. Sberbank's deputy chair, Aleksandr Vedyakhin, said Russians worry that digital transfers make their transactions visible to tax authorities.

Internet outages and the banking system

Russian internet outages have played a significant role in the cash-flight pattern, depriving Russians of access to online banking and cashless payment systems, Milchakova said.

The outage pattern is part of a wider disruption to Russian mobile internet across 2025-2026, in which Russian authorities have repeatedly shut down regional mobile internet.

Those shutdowns cut Russians' access to banking apps, fuel purchases, navigation, and messaging, with watchdog estimates of economic losses of $290 million in July 2025 alone. Russian Central Bank rate cuts also factor in: lower deposit rates have reduced the attractiveness of leaving money in banks, pushing households toward cash holdings as a default.

Central Bank's response

The Russian Central Bank's 1 June 2026 tightening of ATM withdrawal controls marks an acceleration of Russia's wartime capital controls. Under the new rules, Russian banks will track each customer's monthly cash withdrawal limit. "Suspicious" operations, defined to include large withdrawals after extended pauses, or multiple withdrawal operations conducted in short timeframes, may now be blocked or suspended pending review. Such administrative friction on cash withdrawals is being deployed at the same time the central bank is cutting interest rates, suggesting the regulator's primary concern is bank-system stability rather than monetary tightening.

More than 60% of Ukrainians categorically reject a ceasefire along the current frontline if Ukraine receives no security guarantees. The same share would approve a ceasefire if European troops were stationed near the frontline and would defend Ukraine against renewed Russian aggression, according to a new Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) poll, conducted between 7 May and 3 June 2026.

The poll quantifies the substantive Ukrainian public position on the ongoing diplomatic process: the ceasefire itself is not the disputed question, but security guarantees are.

Across the four scenarios KIIS tested, the lowest level of support (32%) is for a ceasefire without guarantees. Mid-range support corresponds to mid-range guarantees: 42% for European troops deep in Ukraine that would not fight, and 53% for security guarantees in the form of large-scale financial and weapons support.

Four scenarios in detail

Scenario 1 — ceasefire without security guarantees, money, or weapons: 61% categorically reject, 32% willing to approve (mostly reluctantly). This is the substantive Ukrainian public position on the unconditional ceasefire that Russian negotiators have repeatedly framed as a starting point: the offer falls short by roughly two-to-one.

Scenario 2 — ceasefire with European troops deployed deep in Ukraine, NOT participating in combat if Russia attacks again: 49% categorically reject, 42% willing to approve. A passive Western presence is closer to acceptance but does not yet command majority support.

Scenario 3 — ceasefire with security guarantees in the form of large-scale money and weapons supply: 37% categorically reject, 53% willing to approve. Material guarantees alone gain majority support, but with significant skepticism remaining.

Scenario 4 — ceasefire with European troops near the frontline who WOULD defend Ukraine against renewed Russian aggression: 33% categorically reject, 61% willing to approve. Active defense by European forces commands the highest support, with a clear majority in favor of a ceasefire under conditions that make Russian re-invasion materially riskier.

Methodology and coverage

KIIS conducted the survey by computer-assisted telephone interview (CATI), using random sampling of mobile phone numbers. The sample of 2,007 Ukrainian citizens aged 18 and older was drawn exclusively from territory controlled by the Ukrainian government, meaning the data does not include displaced Ukrainians abroad or Ukrainians in Russian-occupied territories.

The polling period of 7 May through 3 June 2026 covered the full month of the current phase of US-mediated diplomatic activity, during which Russia continued striking Ukrainian cities with Shahed drones and missile attacks.

Ukraine's drone strikes on the highways that feed Russian forces in occupied southern and eastern Ukraine are disrupting Russian logistics and will likely bite deeper in the near future, according to the Institute for the Study of War (ISW). The campaign is also rattling Russia's pro-war online community, where bloggers have begun turning their anger on the Kremlin's own military leadership. Russian forces are already rerouting and disguising convoys to keep supplies moving.

Ukraine's drones now own a key supply road

Ukraine's 3rd Army Corps said on 31 May that its drones had won "fire control" over five occupied cities. All five sit on or near the M-04 highway: Luhansk City, Starobilsk, Alchevsk, Bryanka, and Kadiivka. In plain terms, Ukrainian crews can now strike traffic on that road.

A Ukrainian drone operator argued the M-04 matters more to Russia than the better-known M-14. The M-14 links Rostov Oblast to occupied Crimea. The M-04 begins near Moscow and reaches Rostov-on-Don before carrying on to Russia's Black Sea coast and into the Caucasus. It feeds occupied Crimea, southern Ukraine, and Luhansk Oblast through the Russian towns of Millerovo and Kamensk-Shakhtinsky. It also supplies Donetsk Oblast through Novoshakhtinsk in Rostov Oblast.

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Flat steppe: Ukraine is strangling Crimea’s supply lines from air. Melitopol-Chonhar road is latest target

The two highways connect, and Ukrainian forces are also hitting the H-20 road that joins them through Donetsk City. ISW assessed that the strikes will likely generate "even more profound cascading effects" across Russia's rear. The effort extends Ukraine's wider push to drive deep strikes further behind the front.

Russia bans buses and repaints its trucks

The strikes are already forcing changes on the ground. Leonid Pasechnik, the Russian-installed head of occupied Luhansk Oblast, issued a decree on 6 June. It bars regular bus and coach services on the section of the highway crossing occupied Luhansk.

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The Crimean Bridge is heavily guarded. Ukraine struck its maritime security layer in the Kerch Strait.

Ukrainian Mariupol mayoral adviser Petro Andriushchenko reported on 7 June that Russian forces had changed their Mariupol–Berdiansk route. They now use local coastal roads instead of the M-14. ndriushchenko said the troops are passing army vehicles off as civilian, recoloring the tarpaulins over each cargo bed and spraying the trucks white. ISW assessed the detours will likely slow Russian supply runs as Ukraine keeps hunting vehicles.

Russia's war bloggers turn on the Kremlin's generals

Ukraine's strikes are landing in Russia's information space too. Russia's pro-war military bloggers are voicing discontent and panic over the campaign.

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Ukraine doubles deep strikes beyond 50 km as “Logistics Lockdown” shifts priority deeper into Russia’s transport nodes and rear logistics chains

A pro-war blogger and former Storm-Z assault-unit instructor complained on 7 June that Ukraine is now striking factories and defense plants deep inside Russia while degrading Russian air-defense radars and systems. He blamed bureaucracy and state-corporate infighting for Moscow's failure to respond, and separately complained that Russia cannot read Ukraine's battlefield trends and underrates its capabilities. Other bloggers piled on: one claimed fuel shortages were stoking panic in occupied Crimea, while others faulted the Russian Defense Ministry and top general Valery Gerasimov for not striking Ukrainian logistics, especially the Dnipro River bridges.

ISW found the complaints are escalating, and that the strike campaigns are becoming "points of neuralgia" in Russia's ultranationalist crowd. It noted the discontent feeds on Russia's poor battlefield results, rising casualties, and economic strain. Even before this, Russia's war bloggers had turned on the Kremlin's commanders over inflated victory claims.

French fighter jets operating under NATO's Baltic Air Policing mission shot down a drone over eastern Latvia on 8 June, the country's National Armed Forces (NBS) confirmed. The drone was intercepted over Nautrēni parish between Rēzekne and Kārsava, near Latvia's border with Russia.

It was the first time NATO jets had downed a drone over Latvian territory.

The intercept is the second in Baltic airspace since 19 May, when a Romanian F-16 shot down a stray Ukrainian strike drone over Estonia's Lake Võrtsjärv. Latvia's drone crisis has been the most politically destabilizing in the region.

A 7 May crash near the Rēzekne oil storage facility toppled the ruling coalition after Prime Minister Evika Siliņa forced Defense Minister Andris Sprūds' resignation.

Latvia described the drone as deflected by Russian electronic warfare

The NBS described the aircraft as "a foreign unmanned aerial vehicle that had flown into Latvia as a result of Russian electromagnetic warfare," Latvian public broadcaster LSM reported. A military spokesperson told Reuters the drone entered Latvian airspace from Russia.

Baltic defense ministries have previously identified drones entering their airspace as Ukrainian, knocked off course by Russian electronic jamming while targeting sites inside Russia. Estonian Foreign Minister Margus Tsahkna has argued Moscow deliberately steers those drones into NATO territory to erode Western support for Kyiv.

Several allied foreign ministers echoed that claim at a 22 May meeting in Helsingborg.

The NBS issued cell-broadcast alerts to residents in the Rēzekne, Ludza, Balvi, and Alūksne municipalities at around 09:20 local time. The threat level in Rēzekne and Ludza was raised to orange at 09:40.

The alert was lifted by approximately 10:30 after the drone was confirmed destroyed.

Drone also violated Moldova's airspace overnight

Separately, an unidentified drone violated Moldovan airspace overnight and exploded on impact, Yevropeiska Pravda reported. Authorities are examining the fragments.

The incident came a day after Moldovan President Maia Sandu instructed the government to draft legislation enabling domestic production of interceptor drones, citing repeated airspace violations linked to Russia's war on Ukraine.

Last week, 56 countries and the EU condemned a Russian drone violation of Romanian airspace at a UN Security Council emergency session requested by Bucharest.

Escalating incursions are reshaping Baltic security

The shootdown caps a month that has transformed how the Baltic states approach drone defense. Estonia activated its first border drone-detection sensors on 30 May.

Ukraine and Estonia expanded drone cooperation on 3 June. Latvia's armed forces commander General Kaspars Pudāns warned last week that Russia could exploit its drone advantage to attack the Baltics by the end of 2028.

European leaders have agreed to develop a "drone wall" along their eastern borders, and a US anti-drone system has been deployed to NATO's eastern flank. A NATO counter-drone testing range at Sēlija in central Latvia hosted European startup demonstrations on 26 May.

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan's pro-EU Civil Contract party has won the country's parliamentary elections with 49.81% of the vote. The result came despite pro-Russian opposition and Russian electoral pressure, with 100% of ballots processed, according to News.am and the Central Election Commission. 

The victory is a clear public endorsement of Pashinyan's turn toward European integration and away from the post-Soviet Russian sphere — a turn that has placed Armenia, like Ukraine before it, in the position of a former Soviet republic actively choosing the EU over Moscow's preferred order.

Previously, Russian President Vladimir Putin warned Armenia of a "Ukrainian scenario" over its EU push at the recent EAEU summit. 

Vote breakdown

Four political forces enter the new Armenian parliament. Pashinyan's Civil Contract leads with 49.81%, followed by Samvel Karapetyan's pro-Russian "Strong Armenia" alliance at 23.29%, the "Armenia" electoral bloc at 9.94%, and the Prosperous Armenia party as the fourth force in parliament.

Karapetyan, a Russian-Armenian oligarch and founder of the Tashir Group, ran on a platform to restore closer ties with Moscow.

Post-Soviet context and EU push

Armenia, a former Soviet republic that gained independence in 1991, has been a member of the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU).

The relationship cooled sharply after the 2023 Azerbaijani military operation that ended Armenian control of Nagorno-Karabakh, with Yerevan accusing Russia and its CSTO of failing to deliver promised security guarantees.

Pashinyan's government has since suspended Armenia's participation in CSTO meetings, signed a bilateral strategic partnership charter with the US, and accelerated EU integration efforts.

The EU announced a €50 million support package for Armenia on 4 June, days before the election.

Russia's response and "Ukrainian scenario"

Putin's "Ukrainian scenario" warning, delivered at the EAEU summit shortly before the election, was a direct threat that Russia would consider treating Yerevan's EU pivot the way Moscow has treated Ukraine's: economic pressure, hybrid operations, military threats.

Despite both, Armenia voted for Pashinyan and the EU path by a roughly two-to-one margin over the largest pro-Russian alternative.

Commander of Ukraine’s Unmanned Systems Forces, Robert “Madyar” Brovdi, says Russian losses reached 1,006 killed and 1,090 wounded during the first six days of June, as Ukrainian drone forces continued strikes against targets on and beyond the front line.

The commander of Ukraine’s Unmanned Systems Forces published the figures on 7 June alongside an update on overnight operations targeting Russian logistics and infrastructure in occupied territory and inside Russia.

More than 2,000 casualties reported in six days

Brovdi said Russian forces suffered a combined 2,096 killed and wounded between 1 and 6 June.

He described the losses as equivalent to the combat strength of a full Russian assault brigade lost within a single week.

The commander also used a railway comparison to illustrate the scale of the casualties, saying the losses would add the equivalent of 20 refrigerated and medical railcars to Russia’s “one-way ticket” train over the six-day period.

Drone strikes target rear-area infrastructure

According to Brovdi, Ukrainian forces also struck 26 targets overnight on 7 June across occupied parts of Luhansk, Donetsk, Zaporizhzhia, and Crimea, as well as Russia’s Bryansk Oblast.

He said Ukrainian units destroyed an air defense system and damaged three locomotives, two railway fuel tanks, four electrical substations, and six telecommunications towers. The strikes also disrupted the movement of military cargo toward the front, according to the statement.

Earlier on 7 June, Ukrainian Special Operations Forces reported strikes on the Semikolodezyanska oil depot in Yedi-Quyu and a maritime fuel terminal in Feodosia. Ukrainian officials said the operation was intended to reduce Russia’s logistical and economic capacity to sustain military operations in occupied territory.

The reported targets fit a broader Ukrainian effort to degrade Russian logistics networks, transport infrastructure, and support systems operating behind the frontline.

Ukraine says it doubled the number of successful strikes on Russian targets more than 50 kilometers behind the front line in May under the “Logistics Lockdown” program, which prioritizes attacks on transport networks, fuel infrastructure, depots, and other systems supporting Russian military operations.

Ukrainian Special Operations Forces (SOF) say they carried out strikes on Russian fuel infrastructure in occupied Crimea overnight on 7 June, targeting the Semikolodezyanska oil depot and a maritime fuel terminal in Feodosia.

“The destruction of the enemy’s fuel infrastructure reduces its economic and logistical capabilities. The Special Operations Forces continue asymmetric actions aimed at the strategic weakening of the enemy’s ability to wage war against Ukraine,” the SOF said.

The SOF said both facilities are part of Russia’s fuel logistics system in occupied Crimea, used for storage, transfer, and redistribution of petroleum products supporting Russian military logistics in the region.

Semikolodezyanska oil depot hit in Yedi-Quyu

The SOF said the Semikolodezyanska facility is used by Russian forces as a fuel storage and transfer hub for diesel, fuel oil, and other petroleum products distributed across occupied territory.

The depot is located in Yedi-Quyu, a settlement in eastern Crimea which is known under Russian occupation administration as Lenine.

The site reportedly contains nine storage tanks ranging from 700 to 3,000 cubic meters and supports distribution across occupied territory through rail tanker loading and onward transport.

Open-source monitoring suggested fire activity at the site following the reported strike. The OSINT group Exilenova+ said the depot was hit overnight, while NASA FIRMS satellite data reportedly showed heat signatures consistent with burning at the location.

The monitoring group Crimean Wind also reported a fire at the site, citing satellite imagery and witness reports. It said residents reported multiple explosions between 02:05 and 02:14 local time, followed by visible flames near the facility.

The group described the depot as a large settlement-based fuel site, originally built in the Soviet period, closed in the 1990s, and later restored after 2015 under Russian administration.

Feodosia maritime fuel terminal targeted

Ukrainian forces also reported a strike on a maritime oil terminal in Feodosia, used for transferring fuel between rail and sea transport.

The facility includes seven storage tanks with capacities of 10,000 and 20,000 cubic meters and functions as a key fuel transshipment point between rail wagons and maritime tankers.

It forms part of a wider logistics network supplying occupied Crimea, enabling large-scale movement of petroleum products across rail and coastal routes.

Expansion of Ukraine’s “middle-strike” campaign

The reported attacks reflect Ukraine’s growing use of “middle-strike” operations targeting logistics and energy infrastructure deep in occupied territory. 

The aim, according to officials, is to degrade Russia’s ability to sustain military operations by disrupting fuel supply chains and transport hubs beyond the front line.

Russia reports large-scale drone interceptions

The Russian Ministry of Defense said air defense systems intercepted and destroyed 95 Ukrainian drones overnight across multiple regions of Russia and occupied territory, including Crimea and the Black Sea area.

The ministry listed other regions including Belgorod, Bryansk, Kaluga, Kursk, Novgorod, Rostov, Smolensk, Tula, Yaroslavl, Krasnodar Oblast, and Moscow Oblast.

A Russian drone struck the site of Ukraine’s Centralized Spent Fuel Storage Facility (CSFSF) in the Chornobyl exclusion zone overnight on 7 June, damaging a non-storage building and causing a fire that was later extinguished, according to Ukraine’s state nuclear operator Energoatom.

The attack occurred at approximately 02:10, when a Russian UAV hit the facility’s container reception building, Energoatom said. The building was partially destroyed, although no spent nuclear fuel was stored inside at the time.

Fire contained, radiation levels normal

Energoatom reported that a fire covering about 40 square meters broke out after the strike but was quickly localized and fully extinguished. No personnel were injured.

The company said radiation levels at the site remain within normal limits and are being continuously monitored.

“The radiation situation at the CSFSF site remains within normal parameters,” Energoatom said in a statement, adding that it is coordinating with relevant state agencies and continuing to monitor the situation.

The Centralized Spent Fuel Storage Facility is an important part of Ukraine’s nuclear infrastructure, designed to store spent fuel from the country’s nuclear power plants.

SBU opens war crimes case over drone strike on Chornobyl spent fuel facility

Update 17:00: Ukraine’s Security Service (SBU) said it is treating the Russian drone strike on the Centralized Spent Fuel Storage Facility near Chornobyl as a war crime and has opened a criminal case under Article 438 of the Criminal Code.

Investigators said Russian forces used a “Geran-2” type drone for the 7 June strike, which hit the facility at around 02:05. Fragments of the drone were reportedly recovered at the site.

The SBU said the blast damaged the spent nuclear fuel reception and handling building, as well as an administrative building used by the International Atomic Energy Agency.

It added that the strike did not disrupt operations at the facility and no casualties were reported.

IAEA to inspect Chornobyl spent fuel site after drone strike damage

Update 14:40: The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) said it will soon send its team at Chornobyl to inspect damage caused by a drone strike on the Centralized Spent Fuel Storage Facility in the exclusion zone.

The agency said it was informed by Ukraine that the 7 June attack caused “significant damage” to the fuel reception building, including the facade, windows, and doors, with nearby structures also affected by the blast wave.

IAEA Director General Rafael Grossi said the incident is “deeply concerning,” noting it occurred at a facility storing nuclear material just meters from the impacted structure.

He said attacks on nuclear facilities are “completely unacceptable” and violate core nuclear safety principles, including the agency’s “Seven Indispensable Pillars” for nuclear safety and security during armed conflict.

Ukrainian officials condemn strike on nuclear infrastructure

Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha condemned the attack, describing it as another example of what he called Russia’s systematic disregard for nuclear safety.

“This is not the first time Russia has endangered Ukrainian nuclear facilities,” Sybiha said. “Russian nuclear blackmail and disregard for nuclear safety principles are systemic, deliberate, and unacceptable.”

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said the drone that struck the facility was a Shahed-type attack drone and accused Russia of deliberately targeting critical nuclear infrastructure.

“Russia consciously struck this nuclear infrastructure facility,” Zelenskyy said. He noted that radiation levels had not exceeded safety limits and praised emergency responders for extinguishing the fire.

The president linked the strike to a broader wave of Russian attacks across Ukraine, saying Russia had launched attacks on civilian targets in 13 regions overnight. According to Zelenskyy, Russia fired 88 missiles, more than 3,250 attack drones, and around 1,800 guided aerial bombs against Ukraine over the past week.

Ukraine has repeatedly accused Russia of using threats to nuclear facilities as part of its broader war strategy. Concerns over nuclear safety have remained high throughout the full-scale invasion, particularly following repeated incidents involving nuclear-related infrastructure and the Russian occupation of the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant.

A Russian FPV drone strike near a residential building in Kramatorsk on the morning of 6 June killed a man born in 1976, the Kramatorsk City Council reports. These types of drones are operated in real time, so the Russian pilot saw the target before launching the weapon at the person. 

The strike fits a documented pattern of Russian FPV-drone targeting of Ukrainian civilians in frontline cities that the UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine formally classified as crimes against humanity in May 2025 in its findings on Kherson Oblast, and that Ukrainian authorities continue to document across other frontline regions, including Donetsk Oblast.

Ukraine has documented more than 11,000 Russian FPV attacks on civilians, including "double-tap" strikes that hit the same site after medics and firefighters arrive at an initial attack. 

Terrorism: no justification

"Each such crime will be documented, and the guilty parties will sooner or later answer for what they have done. No justification can explain the murder of civilians. This is not how military forces act — this is how terrorists act, for whom human life has no value," the Ukrainian authorities said.

UN findings: from Kherson to three-oblast pattern

In May 2025, the OHCHR-supported UN Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine concluded that Russian drone attacks against civilians in Kherson Oblast were "widespread, systematic, and conducted as part of a coordinated state policy" and constitute crimes against humanity of murder, as well as war crimes.

The Commission documented Russian targeting across more than 100 kilometers of the right bank of the Dnipro River, basing its findings on more than 300 videos, 600 Telegram posts, and 91 interviews with victims, witnesses, and local officials.

In its October 2025 follow-up report to the UN General Assembly, the Commission found that the same pattern had expanded across more than 300 kilometers covering Dnipropetrovsk, Kherson, and Mykolaiv Oblasts. Russian FPV operators have systematically pursued specific civilians along defined routes, including at bus stops, supermarket entrances, pension queues, and residential courtyards. 

The Kramatorsk frontline context

Kramatorsk has been a focus of Russian targeting throughout the war, with repeated strikes including double-tap drone attacks on civilian infrastructure and first responders. The city's location near the contact line in Donetsk Oblast places it within FPV drone range. 

Ukrainian Special Operations Forces drone operators have established aerial control over part of the Russian land supply route from occupied Melitopol to Chonhar. The path is the entry point to Crimea, and they are destroying Russian equipment and disrupting Russian military logistics on the road, the 3rd Separate Special Purpose Regiment announces.

Russian forces on the peninsula already depend on a constrained set of supply lines: the Kerch Bridge (under sustained Ukrainian threat since 2022), the rail and road corridor through occupied Donetsk Oblast, and the Melitopol-Chonhar bottleneck. Ukrainian aerial denial of any one of these links compounds pressure on the others. 

Squeezing land corridor from both ends

The new operation puts pressure on the land corridor's western end. On 31 May, Mariupol residents reported in local group chats that Russia shut down part of its land corridor from Crimea to occupied Donetsk because of Ukrainian drones.

The Melitopol-Chonhar segment crosses flat steppe with limited cover and funnels Russian convoys through narrow bridge crossings over the Syvash to reach the peninsula, the terrain optimal for drone operators to deny the air with persistent surveillance and strike capability. 

SSO drones as the strangulation instrument

The 3rd Separate Special Purpose Regiment is one of Ukraine's veteran Special Operations Forces units, named after the tenth-century Kyivan Rus prince.

The regiment's deployment of drone operators against Russian logistics on the Melitopol-Chonhar route fits within Ukraine's broader "logistics lockdown" approach to occupied territory. Ukraine's Defense Ministry has recently committed $113 million to medium-strike drones designed to target Russian rear logistics.

"Drones of the Special Operations Forces unit are destroying equipment and breaking the enemy's logistics routes on the Melitopol-Chonhar route," the 3rd Regiment said.

What does this change for Russia on peninsula? 

Russia's military presence in Crimea depends on a continuous supply of fuel, ammunition, and food, as well as on personnel rotation. 

"As a result, the already-difficult logistics for supplying the Russian army and fuel to the peninsula have grown harder," the SSO said.