Wet Swimsuit: The Summer Habit That Can Trigger Painful Infections in Women


Seven men die by suicide in Australia every day. Last month, the peak body for men's health decided to address this by teaching boys about gender equity. But men are not dying for lack of feminism, says Bettina Arndt.
The post Suicidal Men Don’t Need More Feminism appeared first on The Daily Sceptic.

‘Temporary agreement’ in place since Football Association safeguarding investigation began three years ago
David Sullivan has faced restrictions on his contact with West Ham’s women’s and youth teams since 2023 because of a safeguarding investigation.
The Football Association began an inquiry three years ago after receiving a complaint, which the Guardian understands involves an allegation of sexual misconduct unrelated to football.
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© Photograph: John Sibley/Action Images/Reuters

© Photograph: John Sibley/Action Images/Reuters

© Photograph: John Sibley/Action Images/Reuters

A child reported among those killed when Taliban forces fired on crowds in Herat, who were protesting over arrests of women accused of violating hijab dress code
A Taliban crackdown on women’s dress code in Afghanistan has escalated into a rare mass street protest in the western province of Herat, with at least two people, including one boy, killed by security forces.
Officials made a wave of arrests in recent days targeting women and young girls accused of “improper hijab”. Residents say many families had received no information about the whereabouts or condition of those detained.
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© Photograph: Handout

© Photograph: Handout

© Photograph: Handout

Greek women are having their first children later than ever. The average age of first-time mothers in Greece reached 31.2 years in 2024, according to new data from Eurostat. The figure places Greece well above the European Union average of 29.9 years and among the highest in the bloc.
That number marks a sharp climb over two decades. In 2001, the average age at which Greek women had their first child stood at 27.7 years. It crossed 30 for the first time in 2014. By 2021, it had surpassed 31. Since then, Greece’s first-time mothers have continued aging upward year by year.
The country’s standing in Europe reflects a broader pattern. Italy posted the highest first-birth age in the EU at 31.9 in 2024, followed by Luxembourg at 31.6 and Spain at 31.5.
Greece, at 31.2, sits alongside Ireland at the same level, within a cluster of countries where having a first child after 30 has become the standard.
The age at all births, not just the first, has moved in the same direction. Greek women averaged 32.2 years at childbirth in 2024, up from 29.3 in 2001. Over those two decades, the average rose by nearly three years. The EU average for all births stood at 31.3 in 2024, placing Greece notably above it.
In the EU, the mean age of women at the birth of their first child was 29.9 years in 2024.
Learn morehttps://t.co/UXznIQAcaV pic.twitter.com/KZLowpImTu
— EU_Eurostat (@EU_Eurostat) June 7, 2026
These numbers in Greece sit against a wider backdrop of declining fertility across Europe. The EU’s total fertility rate dropped to a record low of 1.34 live births per woman in 2024, down from 1.46 in 2022 and from 1.57 in 2008.
Eurostat notes that a rate of 2.1 is the level required to sustain a population without migration. A rate below 1.3 carries the label “lowest-low fertility.”
Greece remains among the EU countries yet to recover above that threshold, alongside Spain, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Poland, Finland, and Estonia.
The broader birth count tells the same story. The EU recorded 3.55 million births in 2024, compared to 6.8 million at the peak in 1964. That figure has fallen by roughly half over six decades.
For Greece, the Eurostat data makes the direction clear. Women in the country are becoming mothers for the first time at a later age than at any point on record, and the gap between Greece and the EU average continues to widen.

The Tory leader says the public sector duty to consider minorities encourages division – but legal experts say abolishing it will fuel discrimination
For more than two decades, an important part of Britain’s equality laws ensured public institutions had to think about the impact their decisions could have on different groups in society.
Introduced after the Stephen Lawrence inquiry, the public sector equality duty required public bodies – such as local councils, police forces and hospitals – to think proactively about equality law. Now this once uncontroversial public duty is a new battleground in Britain’s culture wars.
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© Photograph: James Manning/PA

© Photograph: James Manning/PA

© Photograph: James Manning/PA



‘Gender norms explain some of it, but not all of it’ says Tiya Banerjee, an economist at the e61 Institute
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In about a week’s time, the Socceroos will step up against Turkey, their first opponents in this year’s World Cup.
Winning their first match will be a big ask; progressing beyond the first round will be a bigger one.
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© Photograph: Matt King/Getty Images

© Photograph: Matt King/Getty Images

© Photograph: Matt King/Getty Images

Crowds gather at sites across Belfast after Sudanese man charged with attempted murder
Badenoch said, after the murder of Stephen Lawrence, it was right that people wanted to ensure this did not happen again.
It led to the Macpherson report, she said.
[It] wanted to put right what went wrong with policing in the 1990s.
However, in attempting to do so, it also enshrined a principle which I believe is wrong that a racist incident is racist if it is perceived as racist by the victim or any other person.
Equality law, properly designed, should protect us all in the same way. It should be a shield, not a sword.
It should protect people from discrimination. It should protect people from being treated differently because of their race, sex, religion, sexuality, disability or age.
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© Photograph: PA

© Photograph: PA

© Photograph: PA



Chokehold on shipping route draws Houthis in Yemen back into conflict as commenters see ‘no turning back’
Iran’s reversion to large-scale military exchanges with Israel broadened the conflict that began in February not only by making the Israeli attacks on Hezbollah a direct casus belli for Iran for the first time, but also by drawing the Houthis in Yemen back into the conflict with as yet incalculable consequences.
Some in Tehran, buoyed up by past perceived military success and emboldened by the chokehold of the strait of Hormuz, would like to turn this moment into the point of no return in the conflagration with Israel. A minority would welcome the abandonment of ceasefire talks with the US, an outcome for which they have been agitating for weeks.
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© Photograph: Abedin Taherkenareh/EPA

© Photograph: Abedin Taherkenareh/EPA

© Photograph: Abedin Taherkenareh/EPA
Without it the ‘true scale’ of former Harrods owner’s alleged network will stay hidden, says survivors’ group
Survivors of abuse perpetrated by the former Harrods owner Mohamed Al Fayed are calling for a full trafficking investigation to be launched, arguing that without it the “true scale” of the billionaire’s alleged network would remain hidden.
Survivors at No One Above (NOA), a collective founded by victims of abuse at the hands of Fayed, are calling for the Metropolitan police to broaden their investigation into the billionaire and make trafficking the main focus.
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© Photograph: Murdo Macleod/The Guardian

© Photograph: Murdo Macleod/The Guardian

© Photograph: Murdo Macleod/The Guardian



In ancient Greece, the experiences of women varied dramatically from Athens to Sparta. While the prevailing image often portrays women as largely “invisible” in public life, a closer examination reveals a striking contrast between the lives of Athenian and Spartan women.
As archaeologist Evi Pini emphasized in speaking recently to the Athens-Macedonia News Agency (AMNA), it is crucial to avoid broad generalizations about women in ancient Greece, given the vast differences across regions and centuries.
Pini’s research, which focuses on the classical period in Athens and Sparta, illuminates how these two prominent societies treated women in fundamentally distinct ways, revealing that invisibility was far from a universal reality.

For the most part, Athenian society aimed for women to be unseen and unheard. The ideal Athenian woman was confined to the home, managing the household and raising legitimate children. Their public presence was minimal, and their lives were largely dictated by their male relatives.
As Pini notes, there were specific primary obstacles women in ancient Athens confronted, as indicated below.
Athenian women had no legal right to inherit property directly. Their dowry, while providing some security in case of divorce, remained largely under the control of their husband or father.
If a woman was the sole heir to her father’s property (an epikleros kore), she was legally obligated to marry her closest male relative, even if it meant divorcing her current husband. This highlights a system in which women were often pawns in the preservation of family property and lineage.
Conventional wisdom, often derived from ancient male writers, suggests that Athenian marriages were devoid of emotional connection, serving primarily the purpose of procreation. Love was supposedly reserved for concubines and courtesans.
However, Pini challenges this stereotype, pointing out the economic impracticality for most men in maintaining multiple partners and citing funerary monuments as evidence of genuine affection between spouses.
Childbirth posed a significant danger for women, contributing to high female mortality rates. This was a grim reality for women across ancient societies, including Athens.
The primary public role for Athenian women was in priesthood. Their participation in religious ceremonies and rituals was crucial. Beyond this, opportunities for distinction were virtually nonexistent.

According to Greek archaeologists, in stark contrast to Athens, Spartan society granted women a much more prominent and respected position.
While not entirely equal to men, their social status, legal rights, and public recognition were remarkably progressive for the time.
Spartan women, especially mothers, held high social standing and were not shy about expressing their opinions publicly. They were even honored with public praise, a stark difference from the Athenian ideal of female silence.
Numerous “Lakaean aphorisms” attributed to Spartan women attest to their wit and influence.
Spartan women possessed significant economic power. Unlike their Athenian counterparts, they could inherit property from their parents and manage it independently. Due to high male mortality in warfare, Spartan women controlled approximately two-fifths of the land by the 4th century BC.
This economic independence was so unusual that other Greeks, including Aristotle, reportedly viewed Spartans as “womanizers” because of it, misinterpreting their women’s power.
Spartans prioritized the physical training of girls from a young age, believing that strong bodies would lead to healthier offspring who could better cope with the rigors of childbirth.
They also married their daughters off at an older age (18-20) than Athenians (15-16), considering physical maturity beneficial for motherhood.
Spartan law prohibited dowries, ensuring that even less fortunate girls could marry. Furthermore, the concept of adultery as a punishable offense largely didn’t exist in the same way as in Athens.
Consensual extramarital relations, often for the purpose of procreation and to ensure strong offspring for the state, were acceptable and not kept secret. While secret affairs might have occurred, they didn’t lead to the severe penalties and social ostracism faced by Athenian women caught committing adultery.
Spartan weddings involved a ritualistic “secret abduction” of the bride, a haircut, and disguise.
While Plutarch offered a practical, though likely inaccurate, explanation for these “secret” marriages (testing for offspring), Pini suggests they were more likely ancient customs signifying a transition from one state to another, a young woman “disappearing” to reappear as a married woman with a new identity.
Beyond their domestic roles, Spartan women, alongside women from other Dorian and Aeolian cities and colonies, could achieve distinction as poets and philosophers.
Evi Pini’s insights reveal several crucial stereotypes pertaining to women in Greek antiquity that need to be challenged, as indicated below.
It’s a significant oversimplification to generalize about “women in antiquity.” The vast differences between Athenian and Spartan societies, among others, demonstrate the diverse realities of women’s lives across different regions and periods. The notion of a single, universal experience for women in ancient Greece is inaccurate.
The stereotype that emotional bonds were absent in Athenian marriages, with love reserved for concubines and courtesans, is largely unfounded. Economic realities for most Athenians would have made supporting multiple partners impossible.
Furthermore, evidence from funerary monuments suggests genuine affection and grief existed between spouses.
While Athenian women were indeed largely “invisible” in public life, Spartan women were far from it.
Their economic power, social standing, and public voice demonstrate that invisibility was not a universal experience for women in all Greek societies.
The draconian Athenian laws surrounding adultery, including the husband’s right to kill the adulterer, are often projected onto all of Greek antiquity.
Sparta’s approach, where consensual extramarital relations for procreation were accepted and “adultery” as a concept barely existed, shows a dramatically different cultural norm.
By examining the nuances of different Greek city-states, particularly the contrasting experiences of Athenian and Spartan women, we gain a much richer and more accurate understanding of women’s roles, rights, and visibility in Greek antiquity, dismantling simplistic and often misleading generalizations.
(With information from AMNA)
Related: What Did Everyday Life in Ancient Athens Really Look Like?
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