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Two men jailed for putting lives at risk during small boat journeys to UK

10 June 2026 at 14:15

Mohammad Tajik and Alnour Ali, who steered boats on Channel crossings, are first to be sentenced under new law

Two men have been jailed under the new offence of endangering others during a journey at sea.

The two men who were steering small boats are the first to be sentenced under the law, which came into force in January as part of government efforts to counter small-boat crossings.

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© Photograph: CPS/PA

© Photograph: CPS/PA

© Photograph: CPS/PA

Sentencing Palestine Action protesters as terrorists would be ‘constitutional threat’, says lawyer

Judge will decide whether four’s acts had link to terrorism, despite jury not convicting them of terrorism offence

One of the UK’s leading human rights lawyers has said the potential sentencing of four Palestine Action protesters as terrorists when the jury did not convict them of a terrorism offence violates fundamental legal principles.

Michael Mansfield KC, known for his work on landmark cases such as the Grenfell Tower fire, Stephen Lawrence’s murder and the Birmingham Six, claimed the sentencing of Charlotte Head, 29, Samuel Corner, 23, Leona Kamio, 30, and Fatema Rajwani, 21 represents a “constitutional threat”.

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© Photograph: Leon Neal/Getty Images

© Photograph: Leon Neal/Getty Images

© Photograph: Leon Neal/Getty Images

The ICC: he who pays the piper calls the tune

By: A A
10 June 2026 at 11:50

The ICC: 84% funded by imperialist powers, 0% justice for their crimes. From the CIA to French rapists, the Court shields the West while targeting Russia, Libya, and Africa. He who pays the piper calls the tune.

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In order to persecute rulers deemed inconvenient to imperialism, the ICC overrode its own basic principle: limiting its jurisdiction to countries that ratified the Rome Statute. Yet while Gaddafi’s Libya and Putin’s Russia became targets of the ICC, the United States has remained immune. And it has demonstrated that, even while not being a member of the Court, it is the one truly in command.

When Bensouda sought to investigate war crimes in Afghanistan — not restricting her inquiry to the actions of the Taliban and the Islamic State, but also including what she viewed as the greatest perpetrators of that war (the U.S. military and the CIA) — she came under intense pressure from Washington, pressure that ultimately resulted in government sanctions. Her and her relatives’ bank accounts were frozen, and her husband was subjected to surveillance.

Eventually, Bensouda was replaced by a new prosecutor compliant with the United States. Karim Khan altered the focus of investigations into Afghanistan, declaring that priority would be given to the Taliban and ISIS while the United States would no longer be prioritized, citing a lack of resources for a broader undertaking.

During one of France’s many military interventions in Africa this century (between 2013 and 2016), soldiers raped and sexually abused children in displaced persons camps in the Central African Republic. The UN, although it devoted limited attention to the case, was accused of a “serious institutional failure” by an independent commission for having allowed the atrocities to continue. The ICC — which could have intervened, since France is a State Party and French magistrates failed to convict any soldier due to an alleged lack of evidence — preferred to remain silent on the matter.

During the same period, amid its intervention in the Sahel, French soldiers — including mercenaries from the Foreign Legion — were accused of murdering civilians and training and arming security forces responsible for massacres, summary executions, and rapes. French leaders likewise had little to fear.

On the other hand, the ICC even pretended to examine war crimes committed by the United Kingdom in Iraq, including the torture of prisoners. But it justified closing the case by claiming that British authorities were already conducting domestic investigations — even though the Office of the Prosecutor itself acknowledged there was a “reasonable basis” to believe British troops had committed war crimes.

The United Kingdom punished no officers, even though a later public inquiry concluded that there had been widespread violence and an institutional silence — in other words, responsibility reaching high military ranks. Since the United Kingdom had not truly been capable of concluding the matter, the ICC could have intervened, given that London is party to the Rome Statute. But the ICC once again washed its hands of the issue.

Now, as Bensouda revealed, Israel is also protected — and not only through U.S. sanctions, but also through the actions of an ICC bureaucracy working hand in glove with the Mossad, allowing direct and illegal Israeli interference without taking any action against it.

A Structure Dominated by Imperialist Nations

According to data made available in the ICC’s latest financial report, referring to 2024 and published in July 2025, it is possible to calculate that around 84% of the Court’s total funding comes from imperialist and associated countries (NATO members, Switzerland, Austria, Japan, South Korea, Australia, and New Zealand). Yet together they account for only 28% of the Court’s States Parties. Meanwhile, the remaining countries (72%) contribute just 16% of the Court’s budget.

There is a clear structural imbalance in the ICC’s financing. Naturally, this is directly related to the Court’s partial conduct. As the saying goes, he who pays the piper calls the tune.

The ICC itself considers that 60% of African countries that belong to it are “non-represented” or “under-represented” in its internal structure. In other words, only 40% have some form of representation. For Latin American and Caribbean countries, this percentage is even lower: only 14% of the Court’s members are adequately represented. For Asia-Pacific countries, the figure is 28%. By contrast, half of the imperialist and associated countries are properly represented, a far higher percentage than in the other regions.

According to a report by the Assembly of States Parties, 56% of ICC staff in 2024 came from the group composed of Western European and related countries. Only 16% were African, 11% came from Eastern Europe, 8% from Asia-Pacific, and 8% from Latin America and the Caribbean.

Among the Court’s current 18 judges, eight belong to imperialist and associated countries, and five maintain academic and/or professional ties with hegemonic institutions in those countries. The others are senior state bureaucrats, generally from countries whose state apparatus is intrinsically dependent on imperialism.

Thus, it is clear that the ICC’s victims will always be leaders who are inconvenient to imperialist powers. While even Putin has had an arrest warrant issued against him by the Court and African governments remain its preferred target, no NATO country has ever been seriously troubled by ICC proceedings.

The bombings using prohibited weapons in Yugoslavia in 1999, the torture at Abu Ghraib and Guantánamo, the massacres in Iraq and Afghanistan, the rapes in Africa, or, more recently, the massacre at the school in Minab and the weekly killings of fishermen in the Caribbean and the Eastern Pacific, do not concern ICC judges.

For this very reason, the majority of sovereign countries that refuse to kneel before imperialism have never joined the ICC. Cuba accused the Court of pursuing a “selective policy against developing countries.” North Korea described its maneuvers as “a product of hostile forces.”

But together with Burundi’s declaration, perhaps the best definition of what the ICC is came from the Deputy Secretary of the Russian Security Council, Alexander Venediktov: “A compliant puppet in the hands of the collective West.”

Lammy’s cuts to jury trials could have ‘far-reaching’ effect on race relations, say MPs

Justice secretary’s plans likely to increase black people’s suspicion of court system, committee suggests

David Lammy’s planned changes to the criminal courts in England and Wales could have a “far-reaching” impact on race relations, a cross-party committee of MPs has concluded.

The deputy prime minister’s plan to remove the right to elect for a crown court trial “has the potential to increase mistrust in the criminal justice system among the black community”, the justice select committee said, because black defendants are more likely to elect for trial.

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© Photograph: Ian West/PA

© Photograph: Ian West/PA

© Photograph: Ian West/PA

Staff at immigration detention centre wore England flags, report finds

10 June 2026 at 00:02

Chair of prisons and detention watchdog concerned about intimidating effect as wide-ranging and damning review published

Staff at an immigration detention centre wore England flags pinned to their uniforms while guarding migrants, a report from the prisons and detention watchdog has revealed.

Their use by staff at one of the Home Office’s short-term holding facilities to detain migrants is revealed in the Independent Monitoring Boards’ national annual report, published on Wednesday, which is based on 127 annual reports about different prisons, young offender institutions and immigration detention centres.

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© Photograph: Home Office/PA

© Photograph: Home Office/PA

© Photograph: Home Office/PA

Grim reality of prison conditions laid bare in damning report

Inmates in England and Wales live among vermin while gangs control entire wings, monitors warn, with failures ‘at risk of becoming normalised’

The independent monitoring board’s annual report of conditions across the prison estate of England and Wales is stark and unflinching.

Men and women are held for long periods in overcrowded and unsanitary conditions, often living alongside vermin.

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© Photograph: Peter Macdiarmid/Getty Images

© Photograph: Peter Macdiarmid/Getty Images

© Photograph: Peter Macdiarmid/Getty Images

Vance demands DOJ probe of Minnesota officials as White House presses 'war on fraud'

Vice President JD Vance is pressing federal prosecutors to investigate Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz and state Attorney General Keith Ellison over allegations they failed to stop widespread social services fraud.

La justice à contre-emploi

« Gardienne de la liberté individuelle », selon la Constitution, l'autorité judiciaire prête pourtant main forte à la politique répressive de l'État : la lourdeur des condamnations infligées aux « gilets jaunes » contraste ainsi avec la clémence envers les violences de la police. Paupérisée et dénigrée, la justice est gagnée par l'idéologie sécuritaire. Mais certains magistrats refusent cette dérive.

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Tomas van Houtryve ///// Série « Blue Sky Days » (Journées de ciel bleu), « Prison », 2014

Contrairement aux clichés sur son prétendu « laxisme », la justice pénale fonctionne à plein régime. Son taux de réponse, c'est-à-dire le nombre d'affaires auxquelles elle a donné suite, rapporté au nombre de celles dont elle a été saisie, s'élève à 91 % contre 35 % il y a trente ans. Les 9 % restants consistent en des classements sans suite de dossiers « non élucidés » ou ne relevant pas de sa compétence. La justice a donc presque « réponse à tout ». Cette augmentation constante des condamnations s'explique par la conjonction d'une idéologie sécuritaire et d'un accroissement de la fonction répressive d'un État néolibéral qui délaisse son rôle d'opérateur économique et social et sa mission redistributive.

Depuis la loi organique relative aux lois de finances (LOLF) de 2001 et la révision générale des politiques publiques (RGPP), même la justice est soumise à la vision technocratique du new public management nouvelle gestion publique »), comme d'ailleurs la police : les statistiques déterminent l'orientation des procédures et la carrière des magistrats, en fonction des stocks et des flux de dossiers, sur le seul critère du rendement, au détriment de la motivation et de la qualité des décisions (1). En France, le nombre de détenus a crû de plus d'un tiers en vingt ans (de 40 000 en 2000 à presque 70 000 en 2021) (2), alors que la population carcérale diminue depuis plusieurs années dans la plupart des pays de l'Union européenne, comme l'Allemagne, l'Italie et les pays du nord de l'Europe Les Pays-Bas, la Belgique, la Norvège et la Suède ont même fermé plusieurs établissements pénitentiaires depuis cinq ans, faute de détenus. Si la France fait partie, avec la Turquie, des cinq États parmi les quarante-sept membres du Conseil de l'Europe à afficher la densité carcérale la plus élevée (lire l'extrait du rapport sur les prisons, « Dans les geôles de la République »), ce n'est pas lié à l'évolution de la délinquance. C'est le résultat de la poursuite systématique de petites infractions par les parquets, de la suppression — de fait — des lois d'amnistie, ainsi que du durcissement continu des peines

Or, la politique pénale actuelle et sa traduction judiciaire sont socialement discriminantes. Cela s'explique d'abord par le fait que les audiences de comparutions immédiates explosent dans les tribunaux. On sait que les peines prononcées dans ces conditions sont beaucoup plus sévères à délit égal en raison de l'urgence, de la faible place accordée à la défense, du manque d'éléments informant sur la personnalité du prévenu et de la « justice d'abattage » imposée aux magistrats. Mais, surtout, la situation socio-économique de cette petite délinquance génère des peines de prison ferme, car elle n'a pas, comme l'écrivent les juges dans nombre de décisions, « de garantie de représentation », c'est-à-dire pas de logement permettant, par exemple, la pose d'un bracelet électronique au lieu de l'incarcération, pas d'argent pour payer une amende, pas de proches pour soutenir une injonction de soins ou une démarche d'insertion professionnelle.

Pénalisation de la misère

Mme Dominique Simonnot, aujourd'hui contrôleuse générale des lieux de privation de liberté, a relaté chaque semaine, pendant quatorze ans, cette pénalisation de la misère dans ses chroniques du Canard enchaîné. Ainsi, lors de l'audience banale du 14 octobre 2016 au tribunal judiciaire de Nanterre, sur les sept prévenus qui comparaissaient, un seul possédait le baccalauréat, deux avaient vécu dans des foyers de l'Aide sociale à l'enfance, l'un était sans domicile fixe (SDF), un autre percevait le revenu de solidarité active (RSA), deux étaient au chômage, deux en contrats précaires, et un seul en contrat à durée indéterminée (CDI). Tous étaient français. Exemple de peine prononcée : deux mois de prison ferme avec mandat de dépôt pour le vol de deux montres d'une valeur de 35 et 20 euros dans un magasin de sport…

Le traitement judiciaire du mouvement des « gilets jaunes », entre novembre 2018 et fin 2019, constitue un autre exemple de ce qu'on aurait nommé jadis « une justice de classe ». Selon le bilan de la chancellerie, 3 100 « gilets jaunes » ont été condamnés, dont un millier d'entre eux à des peines de quelques mois à trois ans de prison ferme — un chiffre inédit pour un mouvement social. À Paris, où furent concentrées le tiers des gardes à vue, la moitié de celles-ci se sont terminées par une remise en liberté et un classement sans suite, ce qui confirme l'usage préventif de la garde à vue et sa fonction d'intimidation des mouvements de protestation. En une année, il y eut autant de manifestants blessés par la police, et parfois mutilés à l'œil ou aux mains par des tirs de lanceurs de balles de défense, que pendant les vingt ans précédents. Pour autant, seules 313 procédures ont été ouvertes à l'inspection générale de la police nationale (IGPN) — la police des polices —, et très peu ont abouti à une sanction contre des membres des forces de l'ordre ou à des condamnations judiciaires (3). Le retentissement médiatique des affaires politico-financières (4), qui représentent à peine 1 % des condamnations pénales, ne doit pas occulter cette réalité du fonctionnement quotidien de la justice, à coups d'audiences de comparutions immédiates et d'expulsions locatives.

S'il est vrai que la sévérité des condamnations prononcées en matière financière s'accroît depuis quelques années, cette tendance masque la remise en cause du rôle de la justice comme autorité d'équilibre entre les pouvoirs législatif et exécutif. En effet, au sein de l'institution judiciaire, la fonction même du juge s'efface au profit du parquet, qui est dépendant du gouvernement de par son organisation et son statut. Progressivement, le procureur se fait juge puisque le parquet rend désormais environ 40 % des décisions pénales (5).

Dépourvus de garanties

Ainsi, la procédure de comparution préalable de culpabilité (CRPC) ou « plaider coupable », massivement utilisée, est en réalité une négociation de la peine entre le procureur, qui propose une sanction, et l'avocat de la défense, qui n'a que quelques minutes pour l'accepter ou non, encourant le risque, s'il la refuse, de voir le tribunal aggraver la peine par la suite. En outre, beaucoup de sanctions pénales sont prononcées, non pas par des magistrats professionnels, mais par des personnels précaires dépourvus des garanties statutaires d'indépendance des juges professionnels : magistrats à titre temporaire, juges de proximité et délégués du procureur, recrutés sur contrat à durée déterminée (CDD)… Ils comptent désormais pour 10 % des magistrats et la chancellerie entend en recruter encore mille. Des peines d'emprisonnement ferme, jusqu'à trois ans, sont infligées chaque année à l'encontre de milliers de personnes dans des affaires de vols et de petits trafics de stupéfiants, sans qu'un juge intervienne pour s'interroger sur leur culpabilité, sans réelle audience publique, sans véritable défense.

La France est en passe d'instaurer une justice sans juge, comme aux États-Unis, où 90 % des décisions pénales sont rendues de cette manière, c'est-à-dire par « négociation » (plea bargaining). La chancellerie semble faire sienne cette orientation, comme l'attestent certaines questions posées aux professionnels, aux citoyens et aux associations sur le site des états généraux de la justice, Parlons justice ! : « Faut-il réserver l'accès au juge pour les cas les plus complexes ou urgents, et systématiser pour les autres cas une tentative de règlement amiable… ? Faut-il réserver l'audience aux infractions les plus graves… et systématiser pour les autres cas une peine négociée ? Que pensez-vous d'un modèle de justice pénale dans lequel… les victimes et les mis en cause doivent contribuer à apporter les preuves utiles ? » Il n'est pas précisé que dans ce modèle, dit accusatoire, les frais d'avocats sont très élevés car ceux-ci recherchent les preuves (expertises, témoignages…). En France, actuellement, ils sont payés par l'État, au titre des frais de justice. On comprend que, dans un tel système où l'intervention du juge devient marginale, il ne soit pas prévu de recruter des magistrats, la plupart des litiges se réglant sans eux, entre les parties et leurs avocats.

Règlement amiable

« Le problème de la police, c'est la justice », clamaient certains groupes de policiers lors de la grande manifestation parisienne du 15 mai 2021. La réalité est tout autre. Dans la nouvelle conception des pouvoirs publics, la justice n'est plus qu'une « chaîne pénale » qui doit homologuer les initiatives policières. Pourtant, ce n'est pas le rôle qui lui est assigné par la Constitution, laquelle énonce dans son article 66 que « l'autorité judiciaire est gardienne de la liberté individuelle ». Cela suppose que les juges contrôlent la validité des procédures policières et s'interrogent sur la culpabilité et les preuves avant de prononcer une condamnation.


(1) Alain Supiot, La Gouvernance par les nombres. Cours du Collège de France (2012-2014), Fayard, Paris, 2015.

(2) Rapport « Statistiques pénales annuelles du Conseil de l'Europe », Strasbourg, 8 avril 2021.

(3) Selon le ministère de la justice, sur plus de 10 000 gardes à vue, 3 166 au total se sont déroulées à Paris, dont 1 459 n'avaient débouché sur aucune poursuite. Cf. Le Monde, 8 novembre 2019.

(4) Entre un an et cinq ans d'emprisonnement ferme à l'encontre de MM. Nicolas Sarkozy, François Fillon, Patrick Balkany, pour des infractions de dépassements de plafond de dépenses électorales, de corruption, de détournements de fonds publics et de fraudes fiscales.

(5) Chiffres de la Conférence nationale des procureurs de la République dans son interpellation du 6 janvier 2022 à l'endroit des candidats à la présidentielle.

The Lyhanna case: open season on judges

9 June 2026 at 14:56
Justice (Pixabay)

Justice (Pixabay)

The disappearance and subsequent death of 11-year-old Lyhanna, whose body was found on June 4 in an agricultural silo in the Gers region of southwestern France, has triggered an unprecedented institutional crisis in France. Politicians are shifting blame onto judges, who are doing what they can with the resources available to them.

 

France’s judicial institution is facing both genuine operational failures and unacceptable political exploitation. By offloading their own responsibilities onto judges and prosecutors, neither Justice Minister Gérald Darmanin nor Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez is likely to emerge from this ordeal with enhanced credibility.

A troubling case file

The facts currently known in the Lyhanna case are undeniably damaging to the judicial system. The primary suspect, a 41-year-old man and the father of one of Lyhanna’s classmates, had an extensive judicial and administrative record before being formally charged with kidnapping and unlawful confinement of a minor under the age of 15.
Several complaints and reports had already been brought to the attention of the relevant authorities. One of the most sensitive aspects of the case involves a complaint filed on August 22, 2025, by the mother of a child alleging repeated sexual assaults. On September 11, a medical report reportedly identified findings described as consistent with the child’s statements. Yet the suspect was never interviewed before Lyhanna disappeared on May 29.
This timeline raises a fundamental question: why did a complaint alleging the rape of a minor, supported by medical evidence, fail to result in an interview of the suspect before the tragedy occurred? This question goes beyond the understandable public emotion surrounding the case and requires examination of how criminal investigations are actually processed.

The justice inspectorate faces major questions

Justice Minister Gérald Darmanin has ordered a systematic review of 70,000 complaints involving children by July 14. A general administrative inspection is currently underway to determine whether delays, errors, or procedural failures occurred in the handling of cases involving the suspect.
This directive from the Ministry of Justice responds to both political and moral urgency. Its purpose is to ensure that no comparable case is sitting unattended in an investigative unit or prosecutor’s office, particularly those involving rape or sexual abuse allegations. At the same time, it reflects a clear lack of confidence in the ordinary functioning of France’s criminal justice system.
The major challenge following this review will be actually processing those complaints: interviewing suspects, verifying testimony, prioritizing investigative actions, and making the necessary judicial decisions. Without additional operational resources, the scope of the problem may be revealed without being solved.

Judges and prosecutors thrown to the wolves

Frédéric Chevallier, Chief Prosecutor of Chartres and president of the National Conference of Public Prosecutors, has spoken out in defense of prosecutors while acknowledging that the case demands answers. His comments reflect the intense pressure currently weighing on the judicial institution.
On one hand, he rejects the idea that “judges and prosecutors should be thrown to the wolves” in response to public outrage. He stresses the need to avoid premature conclusions before inspections are completed, urging public officials to “keep a cool head.” His central argument is that no serious conclusions can be drawn before the entire chain of events has been reconstructed.
On the other hand, Chevallier has not ruled out individual responsibility, noting that “judges are not beyond accountability.” This cautious approach is intended to prevent the Lyhanna case from becoming a public trial of an individual magistrate or prosecutor’s office before investigators have completed their work.
Yet this institutional defense remains fragile. Explaining that the courts are overloaded, that investigative services are overwhelmed, and that prosecutors constantly triage competing emergencies only partially addresses families’ concerns. When a child dies and prior warnings existed, the judicial system must be able to explain why certain procedures moved so slowly and whether individual decisions contributed to an identified risk.

The impossible equation of priorities

Prosecutors point out that they are managing enormous backlogs of cases. Chevallier referenced not only the 70,000 complaints involving minors now under review, but also millions of cases of all types awaiting action within investigative services.
This argument reveals an institution that is clearly overwhelmed, at times buried beneath mountains of case files. It highlights a criminal justice system confronting systemic saturation. Yet it does not end the legitimate debate over how cases are prioritized. If everything is considered urgent, then nothing truly is. The Lyhanna case compels the judicial system to explain precisely how complaints are prioritized, especially when they involve sexual violence against children.
This issue connects to a structural problem that judges’ unions have denounced for decades: chronic underfunding. The Judicial Magistrates’ Union (USM), which has been highly visible in the media since the tragedy, argues that judges should not serve as lightning rods for the state’s failure to provide adequate judicial resources.

Political exploitation and death threats

The USM has condemned what it sees as unacceptable political exploitation of the tragedy. It points to statements by President Emmanuel Macron dismissing resource-related concerns from the outset, threats of sanctions raised by the Justice Minister before the inspectorate had reached any conclusions, and proposals by political figures to create a special disciplinary court for judges.
This political escalation has been accompanied by serious consequences. The Chief Prosecutor of Auch has been targeted with death threats circulating on social media. The Ministry of Justice has filed a criminal complaint, marking a dangerous turning point: public anger is being transformed into personal targeting and threats against judges and prosecutors themselves.
This is precisely the danger prosecutors fear. Judicial unions have significantly increased their media presence, with senior officials speaking publicly. Their coordinated effort is intended to give voice to rank-and-file judges and prosecutors facing what they view as opportunistic attacks.

Restoring public trust

The prosecutors’ calls for caution regarding the administrative investigation will only be heard if the judicial institution provides complete and transparent answers to the legitimate questions raised by families, advocacy groups, and the broader public.
The central challenge is reconciling two seemingly conflicting imperatives: protecting judicial independence from political interference while acknowledging that the public deserves explanations when a child dies and previous warnings may have been overlooked.
This case reveals that the French judicial system is facing a profound crisis of confidence. Families, citizens, and the public need to understand how the criminal justice process actually works, what priorities genuinely guide the handling of complaints involving minors, and how insufficient resources concretely affect child protection.
Without restoring public trust through transparency and meaningful operational reforms, the Lyhanna case will leave a lasting mark on the relationship between the justice system and French society. The inspectorate may establish the facts, but only clear and responsible institutional communication can help ease the current tensions.

L’article The Lyhanna case: open season on judges est apparu en premier sur FrenchDailyNews.

Calls to review ‘unduly lenient’ sentence for rapist in Andrew Malkinson miscarriage of justice

Paul Quinn will serve at least 14 years for the 2003 rape in Salford and could spend less time in prison than Malkinson

The government’s most senior law officer has been asked to review the “unduly lenient” prison sentence handed to a rapist who evaded police for nearly two decades in one of Britain’s biggest miscarriages of justice.

Paul Quinn was jailed last week for a minimum of 14 years, meaning he could spend less time in prison than Andrew Malkinson, who was wrongly convicted of his crime.

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© Photograph: Ron Fassbender/Alamy

© Photograph: Ron Fassbender/Alamy

© Photograph: Ron Fassbender/Alamy

Corte Penale Internazionale, uno strumento di persecuzione imperialista

By: A A
7 June 2026 at 22:05

Dalla Jugoslavia alla Libia, il messaggio è chiaro: giustizia solo per i nemici dell’America.

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Fatou Bensouda, ex procuratore capo della Corte penale internazionale, ha recentemente rivelato che il Mossad ha esercitato pressioni dirette su di lei nel tentativo di bloccare le indagini sui famigerati crimini commessi da Israele durante il genocidio a Gaza.

Il primo approccio ha avuto luogo presso la sua stessa abitazione all’Aia. «Sono venuti direttamente a casa mia», ha dichiarato ad Al Jazeera. Successivamente, l’allora capo del Mossad, Yossi Cohen, ha tenuto personalmente degli incontri con Bensouda, durante i quali ha minacciato lei e la sua famiglia qualora le indagini fossero proseguite.

Un’altra rivelazione fatta da Bensouda — che, tuttavia, non ha ricevuto altrettanta attenzione — è stata che, sebbene avessero rintracciato i numeri di telefono degli agenti e ne avessero identificato l’origine in Israele, i funzionari responsabili della sicurezza presso la CPI e le autorità olandesi non hanno dato seguito al caso di intimidazione. «Mi sono sentita abbandonata. Mi sono sentita priva di sostegno», ha confessato Bensouda.

Le sue dichiarazioni costituiscono una nuova prova della protezione concessa a Israele dalle istituzioni multilaterali. Inoltre, indicano che queste istituzioni forniscono tale protezione proprio perché sono controllate dalle potenze imperialiste — le stesse potenze che hanno creato lo Stato di Israele e lo hanno sostenuto fino ad oggi, anche durante il genocidio a Gaza.

La Corte penale internazionale — nota anche come Corte dell’Aia — è stata uno degli strumenti imperialisti più importanti per attaccare i paesi i cui governi sono scomodi alla dittatura degli Stati Uniti e dei loro alleati europei, impiegando un doppio standard sempre più evidente. Creata per perseguire i crimini commessi in tempo di guerra, con il consenso dei sistemi giudiziari locali e solo quando questi ultimi erano incapaci di farlo a causa delle conseguenze della guerra, la CPI si è trasformata nel padrone del diritto internazionale e persino delle giurisdizioni nazionali.

Perseguire i nemici

«La CPI è diventata uno strumento di pressione e destabilizzazione contro i paesi poveri», ha dichiarato il ministro della Giustizia del Burundi nel 2016, annunciando il ritiro del paese dalla corte internazionale.

Negli ultimi anni si è verificata una vera e propria ribellione tra i paesi africani contro la CPI, che sembra interessata solo a perseguire i leader di quel continente. Jacob Zuma ha tentato di ritirare il Sudafrica, ma la magistratura sudafricana ha annullato la sua decisione e poco dopo è stato destituito in quello che è stato a tutti gli effetti un colpo di Stato — un evento che puzza chiaramente di cospirazione imperialista contro il leader nazionalista dell’African National Congress.

Poco dopo, la Corte penale internazionale ha accusato i leader della Costa d’Avorio di “crimini contro l’umanità” per giustificare un colpo di Stato promosso dalla Francia (assolvendoli in seguito, ma solo dopo che il colpo di Stato si era già consolidato).

Forse il caso più scandaloso (o che dovrebbe esserlo) è stata la detenzione all’Aia di Slobodan Milošević. Dopo la caduta dell’Unione Sovietica e del blocco orientale, la Jugoslavia era l’unico paese al di là dell’ex «cortina di ferro» a mantenere un regime sovrano, con Milošević alla sua guida. Le potenze imperialiste si mossero per sbarazzarsi di lui: alimentarono una serie di guerre per disintegrare la Jugoslavia, bombardarono la Serbia e successivamente promossero una rivoluzione colorata.

Non contente di tutto ciò, hanno utilizzato il Tribunale penale internazionale per l’ex Jugoslavia (un laboratorio giuridico e istituzionale per quello che sarebbe poi diventato la Corte penale internazionale) per accusare Milošević di essere responsabile della pulizia etnica in Bosnia. È stato incarcerato all’Aia ed è morto nel 2006 prima di ricevere una sentenza perché i responsabili della sua detenzione gli hanno negato le cure mediche di cui aveva bisogno.

Dieci anni dopo, il tribunale ha finalmente riconosciuto di non aver trovato prove sufficienti per condannarlo. Non ce n’erano state — né erano necessarie, poiché la missione era già stata compiuta: la Jugoslavia non esisteva più e le sue rovine erano passate nelle mani degli Stati Uniti e dell’Unione Europea.

Muammar Gheddafi subì un destino simile a quello di Milošević anni dopo. La Corte penale internazionale (CPI) fornì inoltre il proprio sostegno all’assassinio del leader arabo e alla distruzione della Libia. L’allora procuratore capo della CPI, Luis Moreno Ocampo, era un uomo legato alle università americane e israeliane e all’ONG Transparency International.

Basandosi esclusivamente su articoli pubblicati da giornali che sostenevano l’invasione della Libia — e che a loro volta erano sostenuti dai governi invasori della Libia — Ocampo ha raccolto presunte prove per incriminare Gheddafi, suo figlio e suo genero. Probabilmente ha riso proprio come Hillary Clinton quando è stata applicata una giustizia di stampo imperiale contro Gheddafi.

Più recentemente, la Corte penale internazionale ha emesso un mandato di arresto contro Vladimir Putin sulla base di ciò che l’autore definisce una vera e propria menzogna: che la Russia avesse rapito bambini ucraini. In realtà, la maggioranza della popolazione del Donbass, oppressa dal regime ucraino dal 2014, si considera russa e ha sostenuto l’integrazione delle proprie regioni nella Federazione Russa attraverso un referendum.

I bambini del Donbass sono fuggiti in Russia insieme alle loro famiglie alla ricerca di un luogo sicuro per sfuggire ai bombardamenti e ai massacri perpetrati dalle forze militari e paramilitari fasciste che agiscono su ordine di Kiev. Circa 15.000 persone sono morte per mano del regime ucraino tra il 2014 e il 2022, e da allora sono stati commessi ulteriori massacri, ma questo non ha importanza per la CPI.

Nel prossimo articolo vedremo come la CPI protegga le potenze imperialiste – che sono le nazioni più criminali del mondo – e la composizione della struttura interna della Corte, dominata dagli interessi imperialisti a tutti i livelli, garantendone il funzionamento come strumento di controllo e dittatura sui paesi poveri.

The Henry Nowak murder is a pivotal moment, causing a decisive shift in public mood

5 June 2026 at 12:12

Like the Southport massacre, the murder of Henry Nowak will have ramifications far beyond the immediate events. For the race-obsessed British state, the bill is landing, Paul Embery writes. For the Race-Obsessed […]

The post The Henry Nowak murder is a pivotal moment, causing a decisive shift in public mood first appeared on The Expose.

‘Debases the democratic process’: Sotomayor pens scathing dissent as Supreme Court allows racist Alabama map

3 June 2026 at 20:20
U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts, U.S. Supreme Court Associate Justice Sonia Sotomayor and U.S. Associate Supreme Court Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson listen as U.S. President Donald Trump speaks during inauguration ceremonies in the Rotunda of the U.S. Capitol on January 20, 2025 in Washington, DC. Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images
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This story originally appeared in Common Dreams on June 03, 2026. It is shared here under a Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0) license.

The US Supreme Court late Tuesday gave Alabama a green light to use an aggressively gerrymandered congressional map that a lower court said was “tainted by intentional race-based discrimination.”

The unsigned decision, from which the high court’s three liberal justices dissented, enables Alabama’s Republican-dominated government to replace its current congressional map, which has two majority-Black districts, with a map that the US Supreme Court struck down in 2023. That map has just one majority-Black district.

In her dissenting opinion, liberal Justice Sonia Sotomayor wrote that “just as Alabama doubled down on racial discrimination, the court today doubles down on chaos.”

“In addition to being wrong on the merits, the court’s decision inflicts two grave harms on the public,” wrote Sotomayor. “It debases the democratic process by upending Alabama’s entire election in the name of permitting Alabama to discriminate against Black Alabamians. It also corrodes the rule of law by rewarding Alabama’s gamesmanship and outright defiance of court orders.”

The liberal justice noted that in order to switch to the map previously struck down by the high court, Alabama election officials “will have to reassign hundreds of thousands of voters across the state to new congressional districts.”

“Three of Alabama’s counties will be particularly hard hit because they are split across two congressional districts,” Sotomayor noted. “These counties have about 600,000 registered voters between them (roughly 15% of the state’s total number of registered voters).”

Alabama Gov. Kay Ivey, a Republican, postponed US House primary elections in the wake of the Supreme Court’s April decision in Louisiana v. Callais, which severely narrowed the 1965 Voting Rights Act’s protections against racial discrimination and paved the way for Alabama and other states to impose new maps ahead of the 2026 midterms.

“The Supreme Court’s shameful ruling allowing Alabama to move forward with a gerrymander that was drawn with the explicit intent to dilute Black voting power—as found by a panel of judges that included two Trump appointees—is an absolute affront to the founding principles of our democracy, and wipes out whatever was left of the court’s credibility,” said Marina Jenkins, executive director of the National Redistricting Foundation. “This country deserves better, and we must continue to work toward federal legislation that not only bans partisan and racial gerrymandering but also ensures that our rights cannot be undermined by captured courts.”

The ruling drew condemnation from the two Democrats in Alabama’s US congressional delegation. Rep. Shomari Figures, who was elected to the US House under the independently drawn map that Alabama Republicans are working to replace, said in a statement that “the Supreme Court has now confirmed that there is no longer a Voting Rights Act in America, and states are essentially free to discriminate against minority voters with no consequences.”

“This is a dangerous ruling that sets the state and this nation back decades,” said Figures.

Rep. Terri Sewell called the ruling “just the latest in a pattern of outrageous Supreme Court decisions that help Republicans desperately cling to power ahead of the midterm elections while diluting Black voices and erasing decades of hard-fought civil rights progress.”

“No matter how hard Alabama state officials may try, they will not succeed in silencing our voices,” said Sewell. “We will not go back to the Jim Crow era. The fight for fair representation continues.”

Political thriller in Brussels

3 December 2025 at 14:18
Federica Mogherini (Wikipédia)

Federica Mogherini (Wikipédia)

Former EU Foreign Service Chief arrested

Robert Harneis (DR)
Robert Harneis (DR)

By Robert Harneis

52 year old Federica Mogherini, currently Director of the College of Europe and former EU Foreign Affairs High Representative, was arrested on Tuesday in connection with a fraud investigation. Mogherini was detained along with two other defendants – a manager at the College and a leading Italian diplomat, Stefano Sannino, a leading member of the EU diplomatic Corps, the European External Action Service, (EEAS). The EEAS has 140 delegations around the world, otherwise known as embassies.
The offices of the EEAS were searched, as were a number of private houses. According to the Belgian newspaper Soir, the investigation is jointly run by a ‘juge d’instruction’ in West Flanders Region, combined with the independent European prosecuting service the EPPO. The Belgian police carried out the searches and arrests. Prior to the police operations, the EPPO asked for the lifting of the diplomatic immunity of the suspects, which was granted.
According to the specialist website Euractiv, an independent EU information service partly funded by the EU, the investigation relates to an EU-funded diplomatic training program at the College of Europe, situated in Bruges, Belgium. The details of the charges are currently unclear but they are understood to concern contracts entered into in the course of the considerable expansion of the College of Europe. A new branch was opened in Tirana, Bulgaria, in 2024. The investigations go back to 2021-2022 and concern alleged “fraud in the awarding of public contracts, corruption, conflicts of interest breach of confidence’’ as well as possible “favoritism” in the awarding of places on College organized diplomatic courses.

Brilliant diplomatic careers

Federica Mogherini was among the candidates for the post of NATO Secretary General, to replace Jens Stoltenberg. Her career was promoted by former very pro EU Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi, who, according to Brussels insiders, now claims Mogherini has ‘disappointed’ him.
It should be noted that the matters under investigation relate to a period before Kaja Kallas took over as European High Representative. Never the less Kallas will be concerned that the present sensational scandal has exploded now, as she tries to confirm the world diplomatic presence of the EU. 48 year old Kallas, like Mogherini has so far had a brilliant politico diplomatic career. She was Estonian Prime Minister 2021-2024 and is an unrelenting Russophobe. Her father, Sim Kallas, was also Prime Minister of Estonia 2002-2003, as well as an EU Commissioner 2004-2014. Before the break-up of the Soviet Union Sim Kallas was a leading member of the Estonian Soviet Communist Party, banking expert and executive in Estonia.

Why and why now?

It is not unreasonable to ask why this dramatic and rare judicial event has happened and why now? A source close to the investigation commented that, ‘as in Kiev, the arrests indicate an underlying power struggle over policy and may be intended as a warning to Kaja Kallas and even Commission President Ursula Von der Leyen to tone down hostility to Russia, in the light of the current peace moves coming from Washington’.
It is noticeable that the obviously ambitious, US protégé, Finnish President Stubb, who until recently seemed to want to start World War 3 with Moscow, regardless of the negative consequences for the people of Finland, now seems to have turned 180° and is talking about improving border relations.
It is also possible that this is a settling of old scores by the United States going back to the awarding of the World Football Cup to Qatar rather than the US in 2010. At the time an enraged former President Bill Clinton, who was promoting the US case for holding the event, is said to have smashed a hotel mirror, when he heard the bad news.
As recently demonstrated by Presidents Biden and Trump, the US has a history of settling old scores by conducting ‘lawfare’, action in the courts against political enemies. After this act of defiance, a number of football executives found themselves extradited and imprisoned in the US. Mogherini and Sonnini were mentioned during the affair known as Qatargate.

Selective justice?

In any event it is reasonable to ask why Mogherini has been singled out for special attention, when Van Der Leyen seems untouchable despite her extraordinary activities during the Covid Pandemic, which involved tens of billions of tax payers’ euros and missing internet messages.
By contrast French Presidential candidate Marine Le Pen has been pursued with unrelenting ferocity by the EU and French judicial authorities, despite it being difficult to argue that her party’s admittedly irregular activities, cost taxpayer’s any money at all. The argument was essentially about how the money was used not about any loses to the public purse.
Suspects released without charge
Mogherini and the other suspects have now been released and no criminal charges have been made or restrictions imposed. According to Mogherini’s avocat ‘the hearing was lengthy but went very well’.

L’article Political thriller in Brussels est apparu en premier sur FrenchDailyNews.

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