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Wegovy weight-loss pills to be available for patients in UK to buy

Regulator approval means patients who meet criteria will be able to purchase tablets with private prescription

Patients in the UK will soon be able to buy the Wegovy weight-loss pill, the medicines regulator announced on Thursday.

It is the first GLP-1 receptor agonist tablet for weight-loss to be approved by the Medicines and Healthcare products Regulatory Agency (MHRA), making the UK the third country to authorise the pills, behind the US and the United Arab Emirates.

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© Photograph: Bloomberg/Getty Images

© Photograph: Bloomberg/Getty Images

© Photograph: Bloomberg/Getty Images

London council seizes social housing flat rented by Sierra Leone first lady

11 June 2026 at 16:19

Fatima Jabbe-Bio kept tenancy in Southwark despite living for much of year at presidential lodge in Freetown

A social housing flat rented by Sierra Leone’s first lady has been seized by a London council.

Southwark council confirmed it had repossessed the two-bedroom home in Walworth previously occupied by Fatima Jabbe-Bio, whose tenancy was reported by the Times last year.

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© Photograph: Ahmed Jallanzo/EPA

© Photograph: Ahmed Jallanzo/EPA

© Photograph: Ahmed Jallanzo/EPA

Russian Hockey Player Yegor Yadykin Dies in Hunting Accident

11 June 2026 at 16:04
Russian hockey player Yegor Yadykin, a graduate of Avangard Omsk's youth system, died in the city of Salavat in the Republic of Bashkortostan following a tragic hunting accident. Fatal Accident During Hunting Trip According to reports, the 21-year-old athlete was traveling to a forested area with his grandfather. At one point, Yadykin, who was seated in the back seat of the vehicle, reached toward the front seat when a shotgun accidentally discharged. The blast struck him in the face, causing catastrophic injuries. He later died as a result of those injuries.

AI wealth boom sending San Francisco home prices surging: ‘It’s ridiculous’

11 June 2026 at 15:00

Employees at artificial intelligence companies are coming into gargantuan sums of money amid boom in IPOs

Home prices in the San Francisco Bay Area’s already expensive market are skyrocketing as employees at leading artificial intelligence companies come into gargantuan sums of money thanks to a boom in initial public offerings.

With San Francisco’s OpenAI and Anthropic, as well as SpaceX, which operates a major facility in the Los Angeles area, eyeing debuts on the stock market, the hot housing market may not abate soon. If their initial public offering (IPO) is well-received, the companies’ multibillion-dollar valuations are poised to produce massive wealth for employees and executives holding shares, which experts say could trigger an uptick in demand for the Bay Area’s limited housing stock.

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© Photograph: Ethan Swope/Getty Images

© Photograph: Ethan Swope/Getty Images

© Photograph: Ethan Swope/Getty Images

Care worker fears being parted from unborn child and family after Home Office ‘go home’ letters

11 June 2026 at 18:52

Pregnant woman in Scotland ‘stressed’ and unsure what will happen as result of UK government’s visa clampdown

A heavily pregnant mother legally living and working in the UK fears the Home Office could try to separate her from her unborn baby after her husband and first child were sent “go home” letters.

Sachintha Warnakulasuriya lives in Scotland with her husband, Indika Kumara, and their six-year-old daughter, Heily. Warnakulasuriya, 36, has a visa permitting her to work in the UK as a care worker and is sponsored by her employer. Her husband, also 36, and daughter are legally entitled to live in the UK as her dependents.

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© Photograph: supplied

© Photograph: supplied

© Photograph: supplied

Fuel Shortages Hit Novorossiysk as Drivers Face Empty Pumps and Long Queues

11 June 2026 at 13:25
Residents of Novorossiysk in Southern Russia reported fuel shortages across the city, with several gas stations running out of both gasoline and diesel and motorists facing long waits in hopes of refueling their vehicles. Locals first noticed the problem on June 10, when a number of filling stations reportedly stopped selling fuel. One resident said that she attempted to refuel her car at a station on Kunikova Street but found no fuel available. She then drove to stations on Dzerzhinsky Street and Suvorovskaya Street, where she encountered long lines of vehicles.

Former Novosibirsk Vice Governor Detained in Moscow With Drugs

11 June 2026 at 11:30
Former Novosibirsk Region Vice Governor Yuri Petukhov was detained in Moscow with narcotics, according to the Telegram channel Mash. At the time of his detention, the 58-year-old former official was reportedly under the influence of cocaine. During a search, law enforcement officers allegedly discovered several packages containing prohibited substances in his possession. According to the report, Petukhov admitted guilt and is cooperating with investigators.

Two children die from measles as England data shows 100 new infections

London, the east of England and the West Midlands have highest number of cases, as UKHSA urges families to get children vaccinated

Two children in England have died from measles, health officials say, as data shows more than 100 new reported cases in the last fortnight.

The UK Health Security Agency (UKHSA) said on Thursday that two children had died this year, one from “acute measles” and the other from the “late effects of measles”.

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© Photograph: Lourdes Balduque/Getty Images

© Photograph: Lourdes Balduque/Getty Images

© Photograph: Lourdes Balduque/Getty Images

Brazil: From the Vaccine Revolt to COVID-19 vaccination for babies

By: A A
11 June 2026 at 11:00

Instead of protesting and communicating with the people, the intermediate classes of Brazil have preferred to say amen to the government so as not to look bad.

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In my previous article, I pointed out a certain Brazilian social conformism that sometimes prevents us from dealing with major national problems without foreign pressure. In this one, I want to nuance this issue a bit, showing the importance of the intermediate classes between the government and the people.

Let’s start with the conformist aspect: since the advent of republican propaganda, the Brazilian people, which lived under Monarchy, had a reputation for being passive. In theory, the Republic is the government of the People, while the Monarchy is the government of the nobility. With these definitions, the simple fact that the Brazilian people are not enthusiastic about the Republic already makes them foolish. And since Brazil was the only monarchy in the Americas, surrounded by Spanish-speaking republics founded on Masonic and Enlightenment ideals of freedom, the Brazilian people were especially foolish. Until the last decade, we Brazilians looked at our Argentine neighbors, who were always banging pots and pans in front of the Casa Rosada, and lamented our passivity – as if the Argentine “critical spirit” had given them a good destiny.

In 1889, with a clumsy military revolt led by a monarchist marshal, the Republic was proclaimed in Brazil in spite of the will of the people. A great Brazilian historian, José Murilo de Carvalho (1939 – 2023), used the memory of a republican militant to give a title to his book about the first years of the Republic: Os Bestializados [The Bestialized Crowd]. The people watched the proclamation of the Republic bewildered, without understanding what was happening, thinking it was a military parade. And the common people – the vagrants, the prostitutes, the capoeira fighters – were overwhelmingly monarchist in the decades following the implementation of the Republic. The Abolition of slavery made the deposed Emperor loved above all by the poor blacks of Brazil.

According to what was stated in books and pamphlets, the Republic was supposed to be the apotheosis of the People, but the people didn’t care at all. It then became usual for the journalistic class to complain about the passivity of the Brazilian people. There was a major event that made the Brazilian people show their worth – and the illiterate protesters interviewed by journalists expressed themselves in these terms. This event was the Vaccine Revolt, which took place in Rio de Janeiro in 1904.

As José Murilo de Carvalho explains, this revolt has social causes that are different from the vaccine itself, or its side effects. There is an institution that is said to be specifically Brazilian: that of the law that sticks or doesn’t stick. The government can pass a law and the law “doesn’t stick.” In the case of the slave trade, which we saw in the previous article text, the government can even pass a law with the purpose of not applying it – the law “so that the Englishman can see.” In the case of the law that doesn’t stick, there is a resistance to the government that is diffuse, tacit, and anonymous. No one openly confronts the authority, nor does anyone take responsibility. The law simply “didn’t stick,” as if it were a given of nature, a plant that could have sprouted but didn’t. Everyone says “okay” to the State, but nobody obeys. Or they only obey a bit, for five minutes, “so that the Englishman can see.” And the ruler does nothing, because he doesn’t want to become unpopular.

This explains a lot about Brazilian public life to this day: Brazilians are used to seeing the government pass crazy laws, but they don’t worry until they see that the law sticks. An example of Brazilian disregard for the law is that, from 1894 to 2025, the inhabitants of the municipality of Rio Claro, São Paulo, were illegally buying and selling watermelons. In 1894, sanitary physicians were certain that watermelon transmitted yellow fever and, in Rio Claro, they managed to pass a law prohibiting the sale of watermelon. The law was so rejected by the public that people forgot about it, and only in 2025 did a city councilor take the initiative to repeal it.

In the case of the Vaccine Revolt, the government insisted on radically imposing a law that didn’t stick at all. As José Murilo de Carvalho recounts in Os Bestializados, the Jenner vaccine, against smallpox, had been administered in Brazil since 1801. In 1831, the Empire of Brazil made it mandatory for children in its capital, Rio de Janeiro. In 1884, the vaccine became mandatory for everyone throughout the Empire; at the end of 1889, shortly after the proclamation of the Republic, the government made it mandatory for all children, and in 1903 a series of decrees expanded the vaccination requirement to a number of categories. In 1904, the sanitary physician Oswaldo Cruz drafted a bill, leaked to the press, which decreed what we called a vaccination passport during the pandemic. Even to stay in hotels or to work as a domestic employee, it would be necessary to present proof of vaccination.

There were other important social components. The people were already bothered by the intrusion of the government’s sanitary physicians. Since 1903, they had been organizing brigades to inspect the hygiene and sanitation of the homes of the poor. During the inspection, the resident was forced to wait outside and then received orders to put tiles in the kitchen, or other things. This was offensive to the people.

As the Republic was incipient and poorly organized, the positivists, who had many members in the Army, wanted to stage another coup d’état. Thus, through public speeches and newspapers, they fueled this discontent. The inviolability of the home was very important and popular. In this vein, a politician even gave a speech saying that only a Messalina would bare her arms to the health agent, never the wives and daughters of respectable people. (Brazilians are not special connoiseurs of Roman history; Messalina’s name just became a slur.) According to José Murilo de Carvalho, the opinion of the positivist newspapers even reached the old black ladies, who couldn’t read but said that it was in the newspaper that the vaccine was a naughtiness. During the revolt, the vaccination rate plummeted: the smallpox vaccine was known by the public for long, but, with its politicization and effective imposition, it began to be rejected by those who formerly took it. In the end, the popular rebels were victorious, as Oswaldo Cruz did not insist on the bill.

We can assume, then, that the greatest Brazilian popular revolt was due to a rare conjunction between popular sentiment and the instigation of powerful middle-class leaders against a government action. If the positivists had not made the issue a battle cry, it is quite possible that Oswaldo Cruz’s vaccination impetus would have had the same fate as the anti-watermelon fury in Rio Claro. Between public power and the Brazilian people, there is a dynamic reminiscent of that of the King in The Little Prince, who only gave reasonable orders: he ordered the sun to rise early in the morning and the sun to set in the evening. In the case of an unreasonable order, we have a law that does not stick.

Balance

The problem with this dynamic is that the people, in the face of the government, are always in a reactive position, never demanding anything. Public infrastructure is not delivered, public employees who don’t show up, drug trafficking dominating the cities: everything stays the same.

On the other hand, the Argentine example shows that rebelling is no guarantee of anything. To ascertain whether Brazilians are especially peaceful, José Murilo de Carvalho compared the numbers of dead and wounded in the French popular revolts to those of the Vaccine Revolt and concluded that the latter is small potatoes compared to the French ones. Now, the French still break things for more random reasons. If Brazil wins the World Cup, Brazilians celebrate. If France wins the World Cup, the French set fire to cars. Certainly, peoples have different collective psychologies, and the Brazilian people are of a much more peaceful nature than the French and Argentine people. We even tend towards conformism, except when it is within our reach to offer passive resistance.

Comparison with the Russians

A Brazilian might pick up a Soviet humor book and identify with jokes against the government, such as “they pretend to pay us, we pretend to work.” There’s so much in common in spirit that this same joke appears in the mouth of the soccer player Vampeta: “they pretend to pay me, I pretend to play.” Contrary to what the translators of the jokes intend, this doesn’t mean that Brazil lives under a regime similar to the Soviet one, but that Brazilians have a disposition similar to that of Russians when dealing with the state. After all, Russians made jokes against the Tsar before making jokes against the Soviets; they are just less well-known because there wasn’t a global anti-Tsarist propaganda, but rather an anti-communist propaganda willing to publish Soviet jokes in various languages. The anecdotes show that, instead of breaking everything like the French or banging pots and pans in the Kremlin like the Argentinians, Russians drag their feet and tell jokes, like Brazilians. I just don’t know if they have “laws that don’t stick.”

The Communist Revolution itself suggests a greater similarity between Russia and Brazil than between Russia and France. If Brazilian republicans were frustrated with the Proclamation because they had a romantic and Frenchified idea of ​​the people, Lenin, in Russia, did not nurture such expectations: he created the theory of revolution carried out by a vanguard. In Italy, Mussolini created a right-wing Leninism and also had spectacular success. It would be easier to conclude that the idealization of the people is a particularity of peoples prone to romanticism (French and Germans) and should not be universalized.

The problem in Brazil is not that the people don’t break everything nor bang pots and pans. The problem in present-day Brazil is, firstly, the poor quality of its elites, and secondly, the omission of the intermediate classes. Let’s take a concrete case: mandatory Covid vaccination for children (and babies) from 6 months of age. This is a unique case in the whole world, and can only be explained by the absolute imbecility of the Brazilian political elites. Did this law stick? No. Most parents don’t want to give this vaccine to their kids; schools, even public ones, generally don’t require it; public health centers, due to lack of demand, don’t order more vaccines, so the crazy parent who wants to give this thing to his child can’t even get it – and the TV, aligned with the government, denounces it.

Instead of protesting and communicating with the people, the intermediate classes of Brazil have preferred to say amen to the government so as not to look bad (even if they don’t get the vaccine, nor give it to their children). That’s where the biggest problem lies.

Do Greek Schools Get the Longest Summer Break in Europe?

11 June 2026 at 10:45
Greece summer
Most schools in Greece close mid-June for their summer break . Credit A.P. / Greek Reporter

Schools are about to close for summer in Greece! But did you know that if you’re a child who goes to school in Greece, you’re likely enjoying a much longer break than your peers in other parts of Europe?

Schoolchildren in Greece have some of the most generous summer breaks on the continent. These summer breaks typically stretch from mid-June (normally around the 15th of June in elementary schools) to the 11th of September, for a leisurely 12 to 14 weeks of fun in the sun.

So why do Greek children and teenagers get such an extended break compared to their neighbors in central and northern Europe? Well, it turns out there are a few key reasons for this.

The long summer breaks of Greece

Historically, the long summer break period in Greece was meant to allow children to help out with agricultural work during the busiest farming months. These traditions go back in time hundreds of years. We should never forget that, particularly in the past, the majority of Greek families were involved in farming and food production. Thus, it made sense for them to give children a break to pitch in during the peak season out in the fields.

Another main reason for the extended summer breaks is Greece’s sweltering summer climate. With temperatures soaring into the 40s Celsius in June, July, and August, it’s simply too hot to expect children (or teachers!) to concentrate and focus on their learning in stuffy classrooms under the extreme heat of the Greek summers. An extended break during the dog days of summer is a practical necessity for them all and is not only a Greek tradition.

On top of this all, we also have the Greek Orthodox calendar which plays a role. With many important religious holidays peppered throughout the year, a longer summer break helps balance out the school schedule for teachers to ensure that all students still get a proper all-rounded education.

map
Summer school breaks across the EU. Credit: Eurydice EU

The rest of Europe

But how does the Greek summer break compare to that of other European countries? On average, most European students enjoy a slightly shorter 10 to 12-week holiday. However, there’s significant variation between not only individual countries but also regions within the same country.

Southern European countries such as Italy, Spain, and Portugal follow very similar patterns to that of Greece. These Mediterranean and southern European nations embrace a long summer with breaks often exceeding 12 weeks. It must be all that sunshine, anyway!

Meanwhile, Scandinavian countries, Germany, the UK, and Ireland keep things much more studious with a modest average of a 6-week summer break. Ex-Soviet countries of Eastern Europe, such as Poland and Romania, fall somewhere in the middle with 8 to 10 weeks of summer fun for our little friends.

Interestingly, the UK and Ireland—two countries notoriously known for their less than balmy summers—also have relatively short six to seven-week breaks. Perhaps the British dedication to academics trumps the desire for a prolonged escape from the classroom, one might say. Others would argue that since the weather in this part of Europe is so often miserable and grey, there is not great motivation to get out of the classroom anyway!

On a more serious note, however, there are experts who argue that longer summer breaks can lead to “learning loss.” This could be particularly true in cases in which students forget key academic skills and knowledge during these extended breaks as a result of their losing contact with their schools. Countries with shorter summers tend to spread out breaks more evenly throughout the year. This may support more efficient and continuous learning. In England, for example, children normally get six weeks of summer break, three weeks of half-term breaks (one week at a time), two weeks for Christmas, and two more weeks for Easter.

However, research shows that the quality of instruction and total teaching hours matter more than the exact length of the summer holiday and the period that this is offered. Hence, while Greek students may indeed spend more days on the beach, as long as they put in the work during the school year in its entirety, they’ll still come out ahead.

At the end of the day, there is no one-size-fits-all approach to the education of our children, especially when it comes to structuring the school year. Nonetheless, students in Greece and other southern European countries have a long tradition of enjoying a long summer break, as it is a beloved and cherished tradition that’s here to stay. It is, after all, a tradition embedded within the cultures of these nations. Really, who can even argue against more time soaking up the Mediterranean sun?

Thus, as the final bells rang and Greek children left school for their three-month adventure, they felt lucky to live in a country that prioritizes a healthy balance of work and play. School may be out, but the learning never stops—whether it’s through travel, spending time with family and friends, or simply relaxing and recharging one’s batteries. Lastly, when September rolls around, kids will be ready to once again walk the school hallways they left behind this June.

Brunel’s SS Great Britain site drops historical name in ‘cool’ rebrand

11 June 2026 at 00:01

New name, Bristol Dockyards, and museum revamp aimed at becoming more rooted in community, says chief executive

One of the UK’s maritime landmarks is being renamed as part of a drive to make it “cooler” and more inclusive.

For a decade, the dockland site in Bristol that houses the ocean liner SS Great Britain, which was designed by the Victorian engineer Isambard Kingdom Brunel, has been promoted as Brunel’s SS Great Britain.

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© Photograph: Tony Smith/Alamy

© Photograph: Tony Smith/Alamy

© Photograph: Tony Smith/Alamy

A&E patients with non-urgent ailments may be told to come back later under NHS plans

NHS bosses urge all hospitals in England to use ‘digital triage’ process to combat overcrowding in emergency services

Patients who turn up at A&E with non-urgent ailments could be told to come back another time under NHS plans to stop hospitals becoming overcrowded and avoid the service’s usual winter crisis.

Eighteen hospitals in England are already using “digital triage assessment” to help A&E staff decide which patients need to be seen right away or be dealt with in another way. If patients do need urgent care they are treated at once in the usual way. But if they have more minor ailments and can wait, they are told to come back later that day or the next day, or are referred to a community-based service, such as a GP or pharmacy.

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© Photograph: Islandstock/Alamy

© Photograph: Islandstock/Alamy

© Photograph: Islandstock/Alamy

Roblox Restored in Russia After Six-Month Restriction as Company Meets Legal Requirements

10 June 2026 at 18:20
Online gaming platform Roblox is once again operating in Russia without restrictions after a six-month period of limited access. The platform has become available to Russian users nationwide following the restoration of access approved by the authorities. Roblox Regains Access Across Russia Russia's Ministry of Digital Development confirmed the restoration of access to the platform throughout the country.

Looking to Cool Down? Best Ice Cream to Beat Summer Heat

10 June 2026 at 17:34
Fruit sorbet may be one of the most effective ways to stay refreshed during hot weather. Experts from Italy's renowned Carpigiani Gelato University, a school dedicated to the art and science of gelato making, have identified citrus-based sorbets as the best frozen dessert for coping with high temperatures. Why Citrus Sorbets Work Best in Hot Weather According to the specialists, fruit sorbets deliver a superior cooling effect compared to many other frozen treats. Varieties made with lemon, grapefruit, raspberry, peach, watermelon, mango, and tropical fruits provide particularly refreshing flavors that help combat the discomfort of summer heat. Experts also recommend sorbets infused with aromatic herbs such as mint and basil. These ingredients add an extra layer of freshness and create a lighter, more invigorating taste profile.

Soros’ OSF helped stir Indonesian rebellion, leaks reveal

By: A A
10 June 2026 at 13:51

By Kit KLARENBERG

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Contact us: info@strategic-culture.su

Leaked documents reviewed by The Grayzone expose how the Soros-run Open Society Foundations plotted to “prevent the continuation” of Indonesia’s elected government by bankrolling opposition media, youth activists groups and lawfare operations to remove President Prabowo Subianto.

Ever since the election of Prabowo Subianto as Indonesia’s President in February 2024, Jakarta has faced continuous waves of anti-government protests. Activists enraged by harsh economic conditions and elite corruption have taken to the streets in vast numbers, often engaging in fiery clashes with police and the military. A series of leaks obtained by The Grayzone indicate this upheaval has unfolded according to a well-honed plan to take down Prabowo, which drew on organic grievances but which depended heavily on funding the Open Society Foundations.

Founded by anti-communist billionaire George Soros in 1993, OSF has been described by The New York Times as “a sprawling political and philanthropic empire,” which “seeks to advance a liberal, democratic agenda.” The Washington Post described Soros as part of a network of “overt operators” carrying out “spyless coups” that were once the purview of the CIA during the Cold War. OSF has acknowledged its central role in numerous insurrections throughout the Global South.

The leaked files reveal how from 2019 onwards, OSF began pumping large sums into projects designed to promote “resistance and dissent” against Prabowo’s predecessor, Joko “Jokowi” Widodo. Much of this money has been distributed by the Jakarta-based Kurawal Foundation, the single largest recipient of OSF contributions between 2019 and 2024. Founded in 2019, Kurawal describes itself as “a social justice philanthropy…[endeavouring] to promote dignified and benevolent democracy in Indonesia and Southeast Asia.”

The organization sponsors “individuals and agents,” who can be relied upon to advance Western liberal values locally. In the leaks, Kurawal described its efforts to develop an ideal voter who would be impervious to the scourge of Prabowo-associated disinformation. This meant “cultivating a wise and virtuous democrat – as political subject – who adheres to the essential principles of democracy.” The leaks show the intended subject was anything but.

Kurawal’s OSF-funded activities intensified in late 2023, as Indonesia geared up for the Presidential election in February the next year. Prabowo, Joko’s chosen successor, won by landslide in a vote international observers judged legitimate. However, the leaks show Kurawal used its local assets to whip up a frenzy over supposedly “massive” fraud by Prabowo, fomenting so much public pressure that authorities changed electoral rules to allow more parties to run for office in 2029. (Kurawal did not respond to a request for comment from The Grayzone).

In order to topple Prabowo, OSF has financed the grooming of prospective future politicians, outreach to existing political parties, and the creation of new movements and factions that could field candidates for office locally. Simultaneously, OSF bankrolled a range of self-proclaimed ‘independent’ media outlets and activist groups, who they sought to train “to become agents of change.” In leaked documents, Kurawal boasts that its “youth political engagement” activities mean young Indonesians are “at the forefront of most social and political movements… shaping conversations on national policies.”

Kurawal’s meddling in Indonesia has global implications. Mass “Gen Z” protests that erupted in July 2025 and raged for weeks have been hailed by Western corporate media as a revolutionary inspiration for anti-government activists elsewhere. It was in Jakarta where protesters first waved cartoon Jolly Roger flags inspired by Japanese manga One Piece. A map found in the tranche of leaks notes that Kurawal is active in several countries where these flags have appeared, including in protests which have produced regime change, such as in Nepal.

Kurawal encourages ‘agitation and pushback’ against Joko

A leaked February 2025 Kurawal document called “Building Bridges, Filling Gaps,” charts a clear “strategic plan” for regime change in Indonesia and beyond, 2024 – 2029. The file was produced after five years of systematically undermining President Joko’s administration, “by providing support to civil society groups, social movement actors, and thought leaders as well as change makers who do not shy away from politically sensitive issues.” This was motivated by “Indonesia’s growing political and economic clout”, and regional influence, under his rule.

The document describes Joko scathingly, as a “pilferer” and “opportunist”, while slamming his supposedly “inward looking foreign policy.” In reality, Joko prioritized protecting Indonesia’s sovereignty, irritating Western powers by rubbishing bogus CIA-disseminated claims of “genocide” in Xinjiang, refusing to recognize Israel, and pushing for peace in Ukraine.

By “promoting dissent” during his last term in office, Kurawal sought to lay foundations for even greater attacks against Prabowo. As a leaked file explains, “the agitation and pushback was needed to show that dissent is both necessary and possible.” Resultantly, “vibrant citizen movements” that could “challenge power” and “organize and influence change” sprouted locally, with OSF help.

Kurawal’s “program taxonomy” between 2019 and 2024 focused heavily on driving “youth political engagement,” encouraging young Indonesians to attend protests, join civil society campaigns and hone social media skills. As such, the organization’s students “actively set a higher standard of accountability of political leaders,” while “shaping conversations on national policies,” and “challenging traditional political organizing.” These efforts were to be enhanced by what Kurawal called “networks or alliances among social justice groups,” legal advocacy and a new lobbying machine.

Kurawal also financed local media outlets to promote stories of purported malfeasance and other abuses of power by authorities. For example, the organization sponsored a “series of in-depth reporting on police corruption and brutality cases in prominent public interest media,” combined with “social media campaigns” while “forming a national coalition for police reform” to “ramp up public pressure.” This was cited as “one of the bright spots” in Kurawal’s work in Indonesia, during the pre-Prabowo period.

For example, in 2021, Kurawal launched TempoWitness, an online portal which claimed to connect “citizen journalists at community level with mainstream local and national media.” By contrast, Tempo has been a vehicle for slanderous attacks on independent journalists raising questions about Western financing of anti-government media outlets and NGOs in Indonesia. Among its top targets is Brian Berletic, a US citizen who resides in Thailand and specializes in exposing covert Western funding of opposition political forces in the region.

Kurawal has also sponsored documentary films, photography, and experimental art in Indonesia. The purpose is to “elicit action from citizens and community.” This included the Jakarta International Photo Festival, the region’s largest. The events attracted tens of thousands of visitors, enabling Kurawal to shepherd them into a “side event” on the subject of democracy. During these sessions, attendees were given instruction on how to use “photography and visual storytelling” in the pursuit of “democracy and human rights.”

National ‘roadshow’ to ‘radicalize’ Indonesians

When Joko left office, he enjoyed record-high approval ratings. In its “Building Bridges, Filling Gaps” document, Kurawal reluctantly acknowledged the outgoing president was “able to maintain popular public support” in an organic fashion through what they described as “populist social welfare policies.”

The leaked document notes Prabowo would continue his predecessor’s legacy, “emphasizing policies to enhance social welfare, reduce poverty, and eliminate hunger.” A dedicated section called “Bracing for the Prabowo years” outlines the new president’s likely stances and strategy over his first term in office, and how his rule can be undermined.

The leaks reveal how Kurawal released a documentary called “Dirty Vote” immediately upon Prabowo’s election claiming to expose “how instruments of power are used to manipulate elections, undermine democratic order, and maintain the status quo,” and calling “for collective action to safeguard democracy.” The video racked up over 20 million views on YouTube as Kurawal screened it across Indonesia’s university campuses throughout February and March 2024. The dedicated “roadshow” was promoted as “a moral call to protect democracy’s future from systemic abuse and electoral fraud.”

The “Dirty Vote” documentary’s narrative tracked closely with claims of fraud in the February 2024 Indonesian elections by opposition elements. While Jakarta’s Constitutional Court rejected all formal legal challenges to the vote’s results in April that year, Kurawal boasted that its propaganda efforts cemented “widespread voter grievance” over what it called “massive election fraud.” The outcry successfully triggered reforms to Indonesian electoral laws, which previously required parties receive 20% of parliamentary votes to field presidential candidates.

When authorities caved to the opposition’s pressure in January 2025, Kurawal declared, “this means that at the next election, for the first time in the country’s history, political parties big and small will be free to nominate candidates on their own.”

The newly leaked documents echoed the contents of leaked files revealing that in June 2023, the US Embassy in Jakarta privately expressed concern about Prabowo’s almost inevitably impending victory, and planned to overturn the 20% threshold in response.

If the threshold were removed, “there will be more candidates in the election,” US embassy officials noted. In such a scenario, they concluded “the US will have more options” within the field of local candidates.

After the 20% rule was changed, Kurawal said it was well-placed to “set up alternative political groupings among civil society actors,” placing special emphasis on “women, youth, environmental rights defenders.” If successful, Kurawal would oversee “their possible transformation [into] new political parties.” The group wrote that it sought to use “infiltration or pressure” to “transform and radicalize” existing parties and “mobilize the masses against the established party system.”

The document concludes by fretting that the Global South is moving “from the periphery of the international political and economic arena towards the centre,” with countries such as Brazil, India and Indonesia cultivating “enough economic and political clout to emerge as regional or global powers,” and “active agents” in the international order. In turn, this has precipitated a global shift towards “multipolarity at a faster speed.” Kurawal lamented that many of these emerging powers do not subscribe to neoliberal Western governance models.

However, the organization expressed optimism about the prospects for insurrectionary change in troublesome countries, noting how Asia “witnessed some extraordinary demonstrations of ‘people power’ in 2024,” courtesy of “civil society leaders and pro-democracy activists.” Cited examples included the removal of South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol, and the August student-led military coup in Bangladesh.

The Grayzone has exposed how the latter was the handiwork of individuals and organizations sponsored by the National Endowment for Democracy, a known CIA cutout.

Exploiting ‘Gen-Z’ to block Prabowo’s re-election

Other leaks show how in August 2025, Ekspedisi Indonesia Baru was awarded tens of thousands of dollars by Kurawal for a project titled “Expedition to Discover New Voices”. The purpose is to transform “younger generations” of Indonesians “to become agents of change.” This is to be achieved by “[mainstreaming] alternative ideas about a ‘New Indonesia’ by distributing public knowledge through documentary films, books, and community discussions that are widely accessible to the public, especially young people.”

 

Among the initiative’s explicitly stated “desired outcomes” is “stronger engagement from younger generations (Gen Z and Gen Alpha) in public discourse, along with greater courage to dream, speak up, and take action for Indonesia’s future.” This will hopefully precipitate “rising interest in alternative political actors” among the public, prior to Jakarta’s 2029 general election, “with an aim to elect political leaders dedicated to democracy and social equity,” so as to “prevent the continuation” of Prabowo’s rule.

“Key activities” to be conducted include “producing a documentary series” for YouTube channel Indonesia Baru “and other digital platforms,” a “public presentation roadshow” throughout the country to “spread ideas”, and “developing factual short-form content (TikTok, Reels, YouTube Shorts) on violent suppression by military and police forces, government corruption, forced land acquisition, and youth resistance to undemocratic policies.” For the latter initiative, Ekspedisi Indonesia Baru seeks to enlist “young creatives who can bring fresh perspectives and formats aligned with their peers’ digital behavior and preferences.”

Another key programming strand was publication of a book, Restart Indonesia, released in October 2025 under the revised title Reset Indonesia. A local media report on the forthcoming work quoted its lead author: “Reset is a more fitting description of the book’s content, which indeed proposes a reprogramming of Indonesia, not just a restart.” While only 2,000 copies have been printed to date, another contributor hoped many more would read the book.

“If a horror film in theaters can attract four million viewers, here’s a book that’s just as horrific,” they explained.

In July 2025, Sophia Nusantara Association was also furnished with tens of thousands of dollars in Soros financing through Kurawal, for a project titled “Guardian of Ecological Democracy” in Papua. Leaked documents described this student group as part of “the vanguard of resistance” against Indonesia’s government. Leaked documents related to the project boast how OSF’s local campus-based proxies have access to media, national networks, and modern documentation tools that can mobilize broad support.”

Kurawal foresaw its student footsoldiers “using art, research, and technology as tools of creative resistance,” managing “online campaigns and offline campaigns,” and convening “cultural festivals as a symbol of resistance.” In particular, Indonesian environmental protection issues were to be exploited as an “intellectual weapon,” to stoke public anger and “policy pressures” within Indonesia’s Presidential palace. Predicting such activity would create a potentially dangerous environment for students, Kurawal pledged to provide them with “security training” and to establish “safe houses on campus.”

‘Fighting authoritarianism with legal weapons’

In late August 2025, large-scale student-led demonstrators erupted across Indonesia. After days of extraordinary clashes, the government pledged concessions in response to protesters’ demands. The upheaval was one of Jakarta’s largest since the ousting of the CIA-installed dictator Suharto in 1998. Unrest quickly turned violent, with rioters attacking police, torching multiple government building, and looting the homes of elected parliamentarians. Local security forces initiated a heavy crackdown on the violent riots which claimed lives, leading to condemnations from groups including the OSF-funded Human Rights Watch.

At the forefront of the campaign to prosecute officials – whether nationally or internationally – was the Indonesian Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI). Perhaps unsurprisingly, the organization has received enormous sums from OSF, via Kurawal Foundation. The leaks show YLBHI received a substantial grant from Kurawal just one month prior to the protests, to provide “critical legal education” to civil society groups, student organizations and indigenous communities to document purported abuses by authorities, and launch litigation “at the national level and through international human rights law mechanisms.”

Moreover, YLBHI’s OSF-bankrolled lawfare operations are explicitly intended to undermine the National Strategic Project instituted under President Joko in 2016. The project’s aim is to finance local infrastructure in order to generate economic growth and regional development. The effort has ignited controversy, however, due to concerns over land rights, potential environmental damage, and displacement of indigenous communities. With OSF financing, YLBHI aims to “raise critical awareness” of issues related to the National Strategic Project’s implementation.

Another target of the grant is “fighting authoritarianism with the use of legal weapons.” YLBHI is to “collaborate with local [and international] legal teams and legal experts to establish a legal aid team that can provide a rapid response, aiming to provide necessary legal assistance to social activists experiencing pressure” from authorities. These efforts will be “continuously” promoted, in order “to gain support and response from the Global South, thereby protecting the legitimate rights and interests of indigenous peoples and activists.”

With millions pumped into Kurawal over the years, it is evident Soros’ foundation is determined to stymie Prabowo in the next election. While he may not remain in office to face his opponents at the ballot box, one thing is clear: his replacement will be owe a debt of gratitude to some powerful forces overseas.

Original article:  thegrayzone.com

Elderly Man Faces Prison After Setting Cars Ablaze Over Cat’s Fatal Accident

10 June 2026 at 12:53
A pensioner in St. Petersburg has been detained after allegedly setting fire to multiple vehicles in an attempt to avenge the death of his cat, according to Russia's Interior Ministry. The incident dates back to January, when the 66-year-old man allegedly targeted a Hyundai minivan whose driver, he claimed, had previously run over and killed his cat in a residential courtyard. According to investigators, the man set the minivan on fire in what authorities believe was an act of revenge. The blaze quickly spread beyond the intended target and engulfed several nearby vehicles.

The ICC: he who pays the piper calls the tune

By: A A
10 June 2026 at 11:50

The ICC: 84% funded by imperialist powers, 0% justice for their crimes. From the CIA to French rapists, the Court shields the West while targeting Russia, Libya, and Africa. He who pays the piper calls the tune.

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In order to persecute rulers deemed inconvenient to imperialism, the ICC overrode its own basic principle: limiting its jurisdiction to countries that ratified the Rome Statute. Yet while Gaddafi’s Libya and Putin’s Russia became targets of the ICC, the United States has remained immune. And it has demonstrated that, even while not being a member of the Court, it is the one truly in command.

When Bensouda sought to investigate war crimes in Afghanistan — not restricting her inquiry to the actions of the Taliban and the Islamic State, but also including what she viewed as the greatest perpetrators of that war (the U.S. military and the CIA) — she came under intense pressure from Washington, pressure that ultimately resulted in government sanctions. Her and her relatives’ bank accounts were frozen, and her husband was subjected to surveillance.

Eventually, Bensouda was replaced by a new prosecutor compliant with the United States. Karim Khan altered the focus of investigations into Afghanistan, declaring that priority would be given to the Taliban and ISIS while the United States would no longer be prioritized, citing a lack of resources for a broader undertaking.

During one of France’s many military interventions in Africa this century (between 2013 and 2016), soldiers raped and sexually abused children in displaced persons camps in the Central African Republic. The UN, although it devoted limited attention to the case, was accused of a “serious institutional failure” by an independent commission for having allowed the atrocities to continue. The ICC — which could have intervened, since France is a State Party and French magistrates failed to convict any soldier due to an alleged lack of evidence — preferred to remain silent on the matter.

During the same period, amid its intervention in the Sahel, French soldiers — including mercenaries from the Foreign Legion — were accused of murdering civilians and training and arming security forces responsible for massacres, summary executions, and rapes. French leaders likewise had little to fear.

On the other hand, the ICC even pretended to examine war crimes committed by the United Kingdom in Iraq, including the torture of prisoners. But it justified closing the case by claiming that British authorities were already conducting domestic investigations — even though the Office of the Prosecutor itself acknowledged there was a “reasonable basis” to believe British troops had committed war crimes.

The United Kingdom punished no officers, even though a later public inquiry concluded that there had been widespread violence and an institutional silence — in other words, responsibility reaching high military ranks. Since the United Kingdom had not truly been capable of concluding the matter, the ICC could have intervened, given that London is party to the Rome Statute. But the ICC once again washed its hands of the issue.

Now, as Bensouda revealed, Israel is also protected — and not only through U.S. sanctions, but also through the actions of an ICC bureaucracy working hand in glove with the Mossad, allowing direct and illegal Israeli interference without taking any action against it.

A Structure Dominated by Imperialist Nations

According to data made available in the ICC’s latest financial report, referring to 2024 and published in July 2025, it is possible to calculate that around 84% of the Court’s total funding comes from imperialist and associated countries (NATO members, Switzerland, Austria, Japan, South Korea, Australia, and New Zealand). Yet together they account for only 28% of the Court’s States Parties. Meanwhile, the remaining countries (72%) contribute just 16% of the Court’s budget.

There is a clear structural imbalance in the ICC’s financing. Naturally, this is directly related to the Court’s partial conduct. As the saying goes, he who pays the piper calls the tune.

The ICC itself considers that 60% of African countries that belong to it are “non-represented” or “under-represented” in its internal structure. In other words, only 40% have some form of representation. For Latin American and Caribbean countries, this percentage is even lower: only 14% of the Court’s members are adequately represented. For Asia-Pacific countries, the figure is 28%. By contrast, half of the imperialist and associated countries are properly represented, a far higher percentage than in the other regions.

According to a report by the Assembly of States Parties, 56% of ICC staff in 2024 came from the group composed of Western European and related countries. Only 16% were African, 11% came from Eastern Europe, 8% from Asia-Pacific, and 8% from Latin America and the Caribbean.

Among the Court’s current 18 judges, eight belong to imperialist and associated countries, and five maintain academic and/or professional ties with hegemonic institutions in those countries. The others are senior state bureaucrats, generally from countries whose state apparatus is intrinsically dependent on imperialism.

Thus, it is clear that the ICC’s victims will always be leaders who are inconvenient to imperialist powers. While even Putin has had an arrest warrant issued against him by the Court and African governments remain its preferred target, no NATO country has ever been seriously troubled by ICC proceedings.

The bombings using prohibited weapons in Yugoslavia in 1999, the torture at Abu Ghraib and Guantánamo, the massacres in Iraq and Afghanistan, the rapes in Africa, or, more recently, the massacre at the school in Minab and the weekly killings of fishermen in the Caribbean and the Eastern Pacific, do not concern ICC judges.

For this very reason, the majority of sovereign countries that refuse to kneel before imperialism have never joined the ICC. Cuba accused the Court of pursuing a “selective policy against developing countries.” North Korea described its maneuvers as “a product of hostile forces.”

But together with Burundi’s declaration, perhaps the best definition of what the ICC is came from the Deputy Secretary of the Russian Security Council, Alexander Venediktov: “A compliant puppet in the hands of the collective West.”

Two killed in rare street demonstration over women’s rights in Afghanistan

A child reported among those killed when Taliban forces fired on crowds in Herat, who were protesting over arrests of women accused of violating hijab dress code

A Taliban crackdown on women’s dress code in Afghanistan has escalated into a rare mass street protest in the western province of Herat, with at least two people, including one boy, killed by security forces.

Officials made a wave of arrests in recent days targeting women and young girls accused of “improper hijab”. Residents say many families had received no information about the whereabouts or condition of those detained.

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© Photograph: Handout

© Photograph: Handout

© Photograph: Handout

La PapIA, sommo pontefice digitale

By: A A
10 June 2026 at 10:30

La nuova enciclica di Papa Leone XIV, approvata da un responsabile dell’intelligenza artificiale, sostiene di voler regolamentare l’algoritmo. Ma il Vaticano sta consacrando il potere della tecnologia o lo sta mettendo in discussione?

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L’enciclica e il suo momento

Il 25 maggio 2026, nella solennità dell’Aula del Sinodo in Vaticano, si è consumato un evento che la storia ricorderà come uno spartiacque: Papa Leone XIV ha presentato personalmente la prima enciclica del suo pontificato, Magnifica Humanitas. Sulla salvaguardia della persona umana nell’era dell’intelligenza artificiale. Nessun pontefice aveva mai presenziato in prima persona alla presentazione pubblica di un proprio documento dottrinale. Il gesto, nella sua straordinaria rottura con il protocollo secolare, non era casuale. Era una dichiarazione, una di quelle che segna un passaggio epocale, e non dal punto di vista prettamente ecclesiologico, bensì per il valore che ha il contenuto di quanto è stato presentato.

A rendere l’evento ancora più denso di significato, al fianco del pontefice non era seduto un cardinale della Curia, un teologo della Pontificia Accademia delle Scienze o un filosofo della scuola fenomenologica romana, bensì Christopher Olah, cofondatore di Anthropic, l’azienda californiana che sviluppa il modello Claude. Per la prima volta nella storia contemporanea, l’intelligenza artificiale è diventata il tema centrale e fondativo del primo grande documento dottrinale di un nuovo pontefice. L’algoritmo ha ottenuto l’onore che in precedenza era stato riservato alla famiglia, alla pace, alla giustizia sociale.

La data apposta alla firma dell’enciclica — il 15 maggio — non era meno eloquente. Centotrentacinque anni prima, nello stesso giorno del 1891, Leone XIII aveva promulgato la Rerum Novarum, il documento fondativo della dottrina sociale cattolica moderna, quello che per la prima volta impegnò la Chiesa a prendere posizione di fronte alle devastazioni della rivoluzione industriale, al lavoro minorile, allo sfruttamento delle masse operaie, alla questione della proprietà privata e del salario giusto. L’attuale pontefice, che ha scelto il medesimo nome del predecessore di fine Ottocento con una deliberatezza che esclude qualsiasi ambiguità simbolica, vuole stabilire un’equivalenza esplicita e imperativa: l’intelligenza artificiale è per il nostro tempo ciò che la macchina a vapore e la fabbrica furono per il tempo di Marx e dei primi sindacati. È la questione sociale del secolo.

Il giorno successivo alla firma, il 16 maggio, Leone XIV ha approvato la creazione di una commissione vaticana permanente sull’intelligenza artificiale: per la prima volta nella sua storia bimillenaria, la Santa Sede istituzionalizza il rapporto con l’IA sotto un unico organismo di governo. Il messaggio al mondo era limpido e privo di qualsiasi ambiguità diplomatica: la Chiesa di Roma si candida a essere la coscienza globale dell’algoritmo. Ma la scelta dell’interlocutore tecnologico chiamato a condividere il palco con il pontefice non era un omaggio cerimoniale. Era uno schieramento.

Un nuovo asse tra Vaticano e Silicon Valley?

Per comprendere cosa Dario Amodei andasse a fare a Roma nei giorni successivi alla presentazione dell’enciclica — e perché il Vaticano avesse scelto precisamente Anthropic tra tutte le grandi case dell’intelligenza artificiale mondiale — occorre ricostruire il contesto geopolitico che ha precipitato questo incontro con la velocità di una crisi diplomatica.

Il 27 febbraio 2026, l’amministrazione Trump aveva firmato un ordine esecutivo imponendo a tutte le agenzie federali statunitensi la cessazione immediata di qualsiasi attività commerciale con Anthropic. Nelle ore successive, il segretario alla Difesa Pete Hegseth aveva definito la società “un rischio per la catena di approvvigionamento della sicurezza nazionale”: una qualifica mai applicata prima, nella storia americana recente, a un’impresa privata nazionale. OpenAI, l’azienda di Sam Altman, aveva colmato il vuoto con rapidità chirurgica, firmando un contratto con il Pentagono nelle stesse ore in cui Anthropic veniva messa all’indice. La frattura si era poi spostata in tribunale, con sentenze di segno opposto nei diversi gradi di giudizio e una causa ancora aperta.

Il Vaticano dunque non ha scelto OpenAI, che pure è il marchio commercialmente più potente nel settore. Non ha scelto Palantir, nonostante Peter Thiel avesse visitato Roma nel marzo precedente per una serie di seminari a porte chiuse sul rapporto tra tecnica e democrazia, accolti in ambienti curiali con quella che gli osservatori presenti hanno descritto come freddezza glaciale. Ha scelto invece l’unica azienda tra le grandi case dell’IA che aveva pagato con l’esclusione dal Pentagono il rifiuto di rimuovere i vincoli etici incorporati nei propri modelli. La Santa Sede ha scelto, in altre parole, l’interlocutore che la Casa Bianca trumpiana aveva appena respinto. E lo ha fatto nel giorno dell’anniversario della Rerum Novarum, conferendo all’operazione la solennità del precedente storico più alto della dottrina sociale cattolica.

All’evento in Aula del Sinodo, Olah aveva espresso pubblicamente ciò che raramente si sente pronunciare da chi sviluppa sistemi di intelligenza artificiale: le domande poste dall’IA, aveva detto, “sono più grandi della comunità di ricerca” e non possono essere lasciate soltanto nelle mani di scienziati o imprese. Aveva elencato tre urgenze di portata storica: il rischio di perdite di posti di lavoro su scala massiva, la distribuzione profondamente ineguale dei benefici economici tra paesi ricchi e paesi poveri, e la crescente opacità dei sistemi algoritmici — modelli sempre più complessi che nessuno, nemmeno i loro creatori, è in grado di leggere compiutamente dall’interno. Aveva aggiunto che esiste un problema ancora più grave: l’assenza di qualsiasi meccanismo capace di distribuire in modo equo i benefici economici dell’IA. “È un problema irrisolto”, aveva riconosciuto, “ed è precisamente il tipo di problema che storicamente la Chiesa si è rifiutata di permettere che il mondo ignorasse”. Un’autocritica pubblica e radicale, pronunciata da una società che vale trecento ottanta miliardi di dollari.

Anthropic: l’azienda “etica” e le sue contraddizioni

Fondata nel 2021 da Dario Amodei e dalla sorella Daniela, insieme a un gruppo di ricercatori fuoriusciti da OpenAI, Anthropic si è costruita in pochi anni una narrativa pubblica fondata su tre pilastri: sicurezza, allineamento etico e trasparenza algoritmica. Il cofondatore Olah incarna meglio di chiunque altro questa immagine: un ricercatore che studia cosa accade all’interno delle reti neurali, che si preoccupa che i sistemi di IA siano comprensibili e governabili, che sostiene la necessità di un controllo esterno, da parte di governi, istituzioni religiose, società civile, su tecnologie che nessuna singola azienda può gestire responsabilmente da sola.

È questa immagine che ha reso Anthropic appetibile agli occhi del Vaticano. Ed è questa immagine che, osservata da vicino, rivela le sue lacerazioni interne. Perché la stessa settimana in cui Olah saliva al Soglio di Pietro per ricevere quella che alcuni commentatori non hanno esitato a definire «l’unzione vaticana dell’intelligenza artificiale umanistica», giungevano le ricostruzioni di quanto era accaduto nei mesi precedenti nell’altra stanza del potere — quella del Pentagono.

Secondo le analisi pubblicate da La Fionda e ricostruite attraverso fonti aperte, la prima frizione tra Anthropic e l’apparato militare americano era emersa a gennaio 2026, durante l’operazione di cattura del presidente venezuelano Nicolás Maduro a Caracas, condotta dalla CIA con il supporto del sistema Maven — il programma di intelligenza artificiale applicata alle operazioni militari — e quindi, secondo quanto riportato, con il concorso del modello Claude. Anthropic aveva protestato formalmente, sostenendo che l’operazione eccedeva i limiti d’uso contrattualmente concordati. Da quel momento il rapporto si era incrinato. Il Pentagono pretendeva l’eliminazione delle clausole restrittive. Anthropic resisteva. La crisi era precipitata nel febbraio successivo con l’ordine esecutivo di Trump.

Ma la medesima fonte segnala che nelle prime ventiquattr’ore dei bombardamenti congiunti americano-israeliani sull’Iran — nelle stesse ore in cui il Pentagono cancellava ufficialmente Anthropic dalla propria catena di approvvigionamento — il modello Claude aveva contribuito a selezionare un migliaio di obiettivi. Le due notizie convivono nella stessa settimana e si illuminano a vicenda con una luce che disorienta. Non si tratta di una contraddizione irrisolvibile soltanto sul piano logico: è una contraddizione che rivela la struttura profonda dell’intero sistema in cui Anthropic opera, vuole e non vuole operare.

La tensione tra il peso commerciale di Anthropic e le parole pronunciate in Vaticano era difficile da ignorare e Olah non ha provato a nasconderla.

Ciò che emerge non è necessariamente la prova di una malafede strategica, ma qualcosa di più inquietante: la dimostrazione che le categorie di “azienda etica” e “azienda militare” non sono affatto impermeabili l’una all’altra nell’ecosistema tecnologico americano contemporaneo. Esse coesistono, si contengono, si contraddicono. E proprio questa coesistenza è il dato strutturale che nessun documento dottrinale, per quanto solenne, è in grado di dissolvere con un’unzione simbolica.

Le tre stanze del potere

Come ha osservato la brillante giornalista italiana Margherita Furlan nei suoi recenti articoli, ci sono “tre stanze”. La prima è la sala riunioni di Anthropic a San Francisco, dove si producono i modelli algoritmici. La seconda è la sala operativa del sistema Maven al Pentagono, dove tali modelli vengono integrati nelle catene decisionali militari. La terza è il salone delle udienze di Leone XIV in Vaticano, dove le istituzioni simboliche più antiche e autorevoli del mondo occidentale conferiscono legittimità morale all’intero sistema.

La metafora è efficace non perché postuli una cospirazione — essa non lo fa — ma perché descrive una struttura funzionale. Non occorre che le tre stanze comunichino direttamente, che i loro occupanti si accordino in anticipo, che esistano riunioni segrete o patti sottoscritti nell’ombra. Il potere strutturale, come aveva intuito Susan Strange nella sua analisi del declino dello Stato nelle economie avanzate, non opera attraverso intese esplicite ma attraverso convergenze di interesse che si consolidano nel tempo fino a diventare la grammatica invisibile dell’ordine mondiale.

In questa grammatica, il ruolo delle istituzioni simboliche — quelle che detengono il monopolio della legittimazione morale — è sempre stato essenziale. La Chiesa cattolica ha svolto questa funzione per secoli nei confronti del potere temporale dei re, degli imperatori, delle grandi famiglie mercantili. Il Concordato di Westfalia, il ruolo della Curia nella diplomazia europea preindustriale, la posizione della Santa Sede nei conflitti del Novecento: tutto attesta che la funzione vaticana di «camera di compensazione morale» ha attraversato indenne rivoluzioni politiche, guerre mondiali, tracolli ideologici.

Oggi quella funzione si riadatta al capitalismo delle piattaforme. La domanda che merita di essere formulata senza eufemismi è se il Vaticano, nell’intraprendere questa operazione, stia esercitando un potere critico e correttivo — come il predecessore omonimo Leone XIII lo esercitò verso il padronato industriale con la Rerum Novarum — oppure se stia svolgendo una funzione di legittimazione che consolida, piuttosto che contestare, il sistema che dichiara di voler governare.

La rivoluzione teologica dell’algoritmo

Il contenuto dell’enciclica Magnifica Humanitas merita una lettura che vada al di là del giudizio di merito sulle sue singole posizioni — condivisibili o discutibili che siano — per cogliere la trasformazione che il documento introduce nell’architettura concettuale della dottrina cattolica.

Il titolo stesso è rivelatore. “Magnifica Humanitas” — la magnifica umanità — è una formula che richiama la tradizione dell’umanesimo cristiano, la centralità della persona creata a immagine e somiglianza di Dio, la dignità inalienabile dell’essere umano come fondamento di ogni etica sociale, ma applicata all’intelligenza artificiale, quella formula svolge una funzione diversa: non difende la persona umana contro la macchina, bensì cerca di integrare la macchina nell’orizzonte della persona. Non è una critica alla tecnica; è un tentativo di addomesticarla teologicamente.

Categorie fondamentali della tradizione cristiana vengono infatti reinterpretate nel documento in chiave tecnologica. Il discernimento — che nella tradizione ignaziana è il processo spirituale di distinzione tra mozioni buone e cattive nell’anima del credente — diventa una categoria applicabile ai sistemi algoritmici: discernere, nel nuovo lessico, significa anche valutare l’impatto delle tecnologie sulla vita umana. La coscienza — che nella teologia morale cattolica è il santuario interiore in cui la persona risponde direttamente a Dio — viene estesa a includere la responsabilità delle organizzazioni che sviluppano IA. La verità — che nella tradizione scolastica è l’adaequatio rei et intellectus, l’adeguazione dell’intelletto alla cosa — deve fare i conti con sistemi che producono output probabilistici e che possono generare ciò che i tecnici chiamano allucinazioni.

Quello che si profila non è soltanto un aggiornamento lessicale o un’operazione di marketing dottrinale. È qualcosa di più profondo e meno reversibile: la progressiva trasmigrazione del linguaggio teologico nell’orbita del linguaggio tecno-gestionale. Una volta che la Chiesa ha accettato di parlare di «algoritmi etici», di «allineamento dei modelli», di «governance dell’IA» come categoria spirituale, la direzione del prestito concettuale tende inevitabilmente a rovesciarsi. Non è più soltanto la Chiesa a prestare alla tecnica il suo vocabolario morale: è la tecnica che comincia a prestare alla Chiesa il suo vocabolario funzionale. E quando il linguaggio della salvezza cede il passo al linguaggio dell’ottimizzazione, della previsione e della gestione algoritmica della realtà, qualcosa di essenziale si è già trasformato.

Vi è poi una questione che nessuno dei commenti entusiastici sull’enciclica ha finora affrontato con la necessaria franchezza: quella dell’autorità epistemica. Chi detiene, nell’era dell’algoritmo, il potere di stabilire cosa è vero? La tradizione cattolica ha risposto a questa domanda in modo preciso per secoli: il Magistero della Chiesa, attraverso la sua interpretazione della Rivelazione, è il punto di riferimento normativo per la coscienza del credente. Ma i grandi modelli di linguaggio — addestrati su miliardi di testi, capaci di produrre risposte plausibili su qualsiasi argomento, accessibili a qualunque persona dotata di uno smartphone — stanno diventando, nella pratica quotidiana di centinaia di milioni di persone, una nuova forma di autorità epistemica. Non dichiarata, non consacrata, non responsabile verso alcuna istituzione. Ma di fatto operante.

Dalla Rerum Novarum alla Magnifica Humanitas

Il parallelo tra Leone XIII e Leone XIV, tra la Rerum Novarum del 1891 e la Magnifica Humanitas del 2026, non è soltanto una trovata retorica. È una chiave interpretativa che illumina tanto le somiglianze quanto, soprattutto, le differenze strutturali tra i due momenti storici.

Leone XIII scrisse la Rerum Novarum in un contesto nel quale la Chiesa era chiaramente estranea al potere economico dominante. L’industria del tardo Ottocento era governata da capitalisti che non avevano bisogno della benedizione papale per affermare la propria legittimità: la avevano costruita attraverso il mercato, la forza, e un’ideologia liberale che la religione aveva largamente emarginato come retroguardia del pensiero. In quel contesto, la presa di posizione della Chiesa a favore del salario giusto e dei diritti dei lavoratori era un atto che andava contro gli interessi del potere dominante. Costava qualcosa. Aveva un’autonomia reale.

Il contesto attuale è profondamente diverso. Anthropic non è un padrone settecentesco che sfrutta bambini nelle miniere. È un’azienda che vale trecento ottanta miliardi di dollari, che ha nel proprio capitale Amazon, Google, Sequoia Capital, BlackRock e la Qatar Investment Authority, che si presenta già con un’elaborata narrativa etica e che viene a Roma non come interlocutore scomodo, ma come alleato desiderato. Il Vaticano non si pone in opposizione a questo potere: cerca di negoziare con esso una posizione di influenza all’interno di un sistema che non mette in discussione.

La domanda che la dottrina sociale della Chiesa dovrebbe porsi — e che l’enciclica sfiora senza rispondere — è strutturale: è possibile governare eticamente un sistema la cui architettura economica di fondo produce disuguaglianze radicali, concentrazione monopolistica del potere conoscitivo, e tendenza intrinseca all’utilizzo militare, semplicemente negoziando con i suoi protagonisti più moderati? O è necessario interrogare il sistema stesso, le sue condizioni di produzione, la sua governance, la sua appropriazione privata dei benefici collettivi?

Antonio Gramsci, nei Quaderni del carcere, scriveva che ogni egemonia si costruisce prima sul piano della cultura e solo dopo si traduce in dominio sul piano politico. L’enciclica Magnifica Humanitas è esattamente questo: un atto di egemonia culturale, un tentativo di scrivere la cornice morale dentro cui la prossima ondata tecnologica dovrà muoversi. Ma un atto di egemonia culturale può essere anche, paradossalmente, uno strumento di incorporazione: esso legittima i propri interlocutori mentre pretende di governarli.

Il rischio della religione tecnocratica

C’è un’ultima questione che questa vicenda pone con forza e che nessuna celebrazione istituzionale può neutralizzare: quella della progressiva convergenza tra potere spirituale e potere tecnologico, e del rischio che tale convergenza produca non un controllo della tecnica da parte dell’etica, ma una sacralizzazione della tecnica attraverso l’etica.

Le narrazioni transumaniste e postumaniste — quelle che promettono il superamento dei limiti biologici dell’uomo, l’immortalità digitale, la fusione tra intelligenza umana e artificiale — entrano in tensione profonda con la tradizione cristiana su ogni piano: antropologico, escatologico, sacramentale. Un essere umano che può essere indefinitamente migliorato, potenziato, preservato attraverso la tecnologia non ha più bisogno di redenzione, di grazia, di resurrezione. La morte stessa — cardine della soteriologia cristiana — diventa un problema tecnico in attesa di soluzione ingegneristica.

Eppure le élite digitali che promuovono queste visioni — con il loro peculiare misto di millenarismo secolare, utopismo tecnologico e ansia da rischio esistenziale — stanno progressivamente occupando lo spazio simbolico che un tempo apparteneva alle grandi narrazioni religiose. Esse parlano di minacce esistenziali all’umanità, di salvezza attraverso l’allineamento dell’IA, di un futuro in cui la tecnica deciderà la sopravvivenza o l’estinzione della specie. Hanno adottato, in altre parole, la struttura formale del pensiero escatologico senza la sua sostanza teologica: la fine del mondo senza il Dio che la governa, la salvezza senza la grazia, il peccato originale senza il perdono.

In questo scenario, il rischio che il Vaticano corre non è tanto quello di essere ingannato da Anthropic, quanto quello di prestarsi, inconsapevolmente o deliberatamente, a un processo di sacralizzazione del tecno-capitalismo che si avvale del linguaggio morale della Chiesa per conferire una patina di profondità a ciò che è in realtà puro esercizio di potere economico e strategico. Non si tratta di supporre malafede: si tratta di riconoscere la forza delle strutture, che agiscono indipendentemente dalle intenzioni dei singoli attori.

Il filosofo della tecnica Jacques Ellul aveva avvertito decenni or sono che il rischio supremo della civiltà tecnologica non è la macchina che si ribella all’uomo, ma la macchina che l’uomo finisce per adorare — trasformando l’efficienza in valore ultimo, l’ottimizzazione in virtù, la previsione in profezia. Quando le istituzioni che storicamente hanno custodito il senso del limite, della finitezza e della trascendenza si mettono al servizio di questa nuova liturgia, non è detto che ne diventino gli officianti consapevoli, ma ne diventano comunque parte.

Chi controlla il significato?

La vera posta in gioco nell’incontro tra il Vaticano di Leone XIV e l’intelligenza artificiale di Anthropic non è di natura tecnologica. Non riguarda la sicurezza degli algoritmi, né la distribuzione dei benefici economici, né i vincoli d’uso nei contratti militari — per quanto tutte queste questioni siano di enorme rilevanza pratica. La vera posta in gioco è simbolica e politica nel senso più alto del termine: chi controlla il significato morale della rivoluzione tecnologica in corso?

La scena del 25 maggio 2026 — un cofondatore di una delle aziende più potenti del pianeta seduto accanto al vescovo di Roma nel giorno dell’anniversario della più importante enciclica sociale della storia cattolica — è una scena di ridefinizione del potere culturale dell’Occidente. Non soltanto perché il Vaticano ha scelto di schierarsi con la fazione della Silicon Valley che la Casa Bianca trumpiana ha escluso dai propri contratti militari. Ma perché, nel farlo, ha accettato di svolgere una funzione di legittimazione che ogni sistema di potere necessita e ricerca: la funzione di tradurre il dominio economico e tecnico in autorità morale riconosciuta.

La domanda che resta aperta — e che la storia dei prossimi decenni dovrà rispondere — è se il Vaticano stia realmente tentando di governare la rivoluzione dell’intelligenza artificiale attraverso la forza autonoma della propria tradizione morale, oppure se ne stia diventando parte integrante: non il giudice del sistema, ma il suo sacerdote. Non il profeta che parla al potere, ma il cerimoniere che lo consacra.

Leone XIII, nel 1891, aveva pagato il prezzo della propria autonomia: la Rerum Novarum aveva scontentato i capitalisti cattolici quanto i socialisti atei, e nessuno dei due campi l’aveva abbracciata con entusiasmo. Era rimasta un documento scomodo, capace di disturbare tutte le comode certezze del proprio tempo. Sarà la Magnifica Humanitas capace della medesima scomodità? Sarà in grado di interrogare il sistema invece di legittimare i suoi protagonisti più moderati? Saprà porre la domanda che nessuna delle parti coinvolte vuole sentirsi porre: a chi appartiene il futuro che l’intelligenza artificiale sta costruendo, e a quali condizioni ne sarà distribuita la ricchezza?

Sono domande che la cerimonia del 25 maggio ha suggerito senza rispondere. E forse è in questo silenzio che risiede, più che nelle parole ufficiali, il vero significato dell’incontro tra il Vaticano e l’algoritmo. La questione non riguarda soltanto la tecnologia. Riguarda chi ne controlla il significato simbolico e morale. E chi controlla il significato, in ultima analisi, controlla il futuro.

Charities in England and Wales ‘donate millions to illegal Israeli settlements’

MP Melanie Ward calls on Charity Commission to look into 32 organisations she says have given at least £28m

Thirty-two charities in England and Wales have donated at least £28m to Israeli settlements that are illegal under international law, an MP has said.

Labour’s Melanie Ward said that if gift aid were claimed against the donations in the usual way, it would mean taxpayers had subsidised illegal settlements to the tune of £5.6m, a situation she described as deplorable. The foreign secretary, Yvette Cooper, announced on Tuesday that the Charity Commission has been tasked with investigating UK charities’ links to settlements.

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© Photograph: Anadolu/Getty Images

© Photograph: Anadolu/Getty Images

© Photograph: Anadolu/Getty Images

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