Russian occupation forces have deliberately manufactured a food shortage in occupied Rubizhne, cutting civilian food deliveries to the Luhansk Oblast city even as military supply convoys continue to flow, the head of the Luhansk Regional Military Administration reported on 8 June.

Shelves in the city's stores are emptying rapidly, Kharchenko said. Russian propaganda blames disrupted transport links, citing an alleged drone threat. Yet the occupiers have had no difficulty maintaining their own logistics routes to resupply military units stationed across the region, he noted.

"They need to make the next victim for Russian television out of local residents. They chose Rubizhne."—Luhansk governor Oleksii Kharchenko

A city turned into a propaganda prop

The official accused Russia of weaponizing hunger for television cameras. He said the occupiers intend to film bare shelves and hungry residents, then broadcast the footage to Russian audiences as evidence of suffering they themselves engineered.

Before Russia's full-scale invasion, Rubizhne was home to more than 55,000 people. Russian forces seized the city in May 2022 after weeks of devastating urban combat during which they fired up to 1,500 shells per day, the BBC's Quentin Sommerville reported from the front lines. The city's current population remains unknown, but residents who stayed have endured four years of occupation without reliable utilities, communications, or public services.

In nearby Sievierodonetsk, conditions have deteriorated so far that residents now mow the grass in their own neighborhoods and clean communal areas themselves, Kharchenko added—an admission that Russia's occupation authorities provide no basic municipal services even in the cities they claim to have "liberated."

A pattern of deliberate starvation across occupied Ukraine

The manufactured food shortage in occupied Rubizhne fits a documented pattern of Russia using hunger as a weapon against Ukrainian civilians trapped behind the front lines.

In Oleshky, a frontline city in occupied Kherson Oblast, roughly 2,000 civilians have been cut off from food, medicine, and clean water for months. "If the situation doesn't improve, people will just die there from hunger. Because there's no way out, no food supplies coming in," an Oleshky resident who escaped occupation told the Kyiv Independent. Russian forces mined the access roads, destroyed the Kakhovka dam's water infrastructure, and deployed FPV drones that residents describe as conducting "human safari" attacks—hunting anyone who steps outside. People there hunt pigeons and wild ducks with fishing line, plant vegetables in shell craters, and bury their dead in wheelbarrows because no coffins or transport exist.

Ukraine's Foreign Ministry in May appealed to the United Nations and the International Committee of the Red Cross over what it called a "severe humanitarian crisis" in Russian-occupied Kherson Oblast. Russia rejected calls for a humanitarian corridor.

In Nova Kakhovka, upstream from Oleshky, most coastal areas have been abandoned. The few residents who remain live in distant high-rise microdistricts with no functioning hospital and minimal Russian administrative presence, governed remotely from Henichesk, roughly 130 kilometers away.

The Rubizhne food shortage also coincides with Russia's broader restriction of civilian movement through occupied territories. On 6 June, occupation authorities shut down bus and private car traffic on main arteries, capping two weeks of land-corridor breakdowns that have further isolated occupied communities.

Starvation as premeditated policy

International human rights investigators have gathered evidence that Russia planned to use hunger as a weapon before the 2022 invasion. A report by Global Rights Compliance found that a Russian defense contractor purchased grain-transport trucks and bulk cargo ships in December 2021—two months before the invasion began. The evidence was submitted to the International Criminal Court for what could become the first prosecution of a head of state for the war crime of starvation as a method of warfare.

Global Rights Compliance has drawn a direct parallel to the Holodomor—the Soviet-engineered famine that killed millions of Ukrainians in 1932–1933. Russia's current starvation tactics are being perpetrated, the organization noted, by "the same attacking state."

Under the Geneva Conventions, using starvation of civilians as a method of warfare is a war crime. The Rome Statute of the ICC codified the offense in 1998. Yet in occupied Rubizhne, occupied Oleshky, and across the territories Russia claims to have annexed, the pattern continues: military convoys pass, civilian supply lines close, and shelves empty.

Pro-Ukrainian partisan movement ATESH says its agents carried out a sabotage operation at a railway station in Russia’s Voronezh Oblast, destroying a rare heavy-duty rail recovery crane used by Russian Railways.

The group said the target was an EDK-300/5 rail recovery crane, a specialized system used for large-scale emergency rail restoration work. ATESH claims the equipment is no longer in production and exists in only limited numbers across Russia’s rail network.

According to the statement, the crane was designed for heavy railway accident response tasks, including lifting derailed rolling stock, clearing damaged infrastructure, and restoring traffic on key lines. It reportedly had a lifting capacity of up to 300 tons.

“Even in the deep rear, critical equipment is not safe from destruction”

ATESH said the loss of the crane would reduce Russia’s ability to rapidly repair damaged rail infrastructure, particularly at major transport junctions where recovery speed is critical for maintaining logistics flows.

The group added that the impact of the loss would be long-lasting, saying: “Replacement of the destroyed crane will require significant time and resources. While Putin’s army searches for a replacement, the railway hub and regional logistics are operating with limited recovery capacity.”

“Even in the deep rear, critical equipment is not safe from destruction,” they added.

The report has not been independently verified.

ATESH: sabotage network operating inside Russia

ATESH is a clandestine resistance network operating inside Russian-controlled territory and within Russia itself. The group says it focuses on reconnaissance and sabotage operations against military, transport, and communications infrastructure that it considers to be supporting Russia’s war effort against Ukraine.

ATESH statements are typically released via Telegram and often include claims of damage to rail assets, depots, and logistical hubs. The group also claims to have agents operating inside the Russian armed forces, which it says helps it gather intelligence and identify targets.

Wider campaign targeting Russian logistics infrastructure

The operation is part of a wider campaign aimed at disrupting Russian transport infrastructure, which the group says supports both civilian logistics and military supply chains.

ATESH has increasingly focused on rail assets inside Russia, arguing that even limited damage to specialized equipment can create disproportionate delays across tightly connected transport networks.

Previous claimed strike in Saint Petersburg

In a previous claimed operation in May, ATESH said its agents set fire to a locomotive in Saint Petersburg used for oil transport, taking it out of service and disrupting rail operations in Russia’s northwestern logistics network.

The group said the locomotive had been part of fuel transport routes linked to industrial supply chains and export corridors in the northwest of the country, including areas connected to port infrastructure.

Russia "intends to harm" the UK through economic disruption, sabotage, and "dark arts", and the evidence is clear, former UK Chief of the Defense Staff Stuart Peach told The Independent. His claims came in a joint interview with the chair of the House of Lords Select Committee on National Resilience, Baroness Coussins, who called for greater urgency from government and citizens.

The intervention is one of the most direct public warnings from senior UK figures on Russian hybrid operations against Britain. Peach is now making the case publicly that the threat has shifted from speculative to operational.

Baroness Coussins, whose committee was appointed in January 2026 and is due to report in November, framed it more bluntly: "It is not a question of 'what if?’ It's a question of 'these things are happening now.' We know we’re under cyber attack daily." 

"The evidence is clear"

“The fact that Russia intends us harm – whether it's economic disruption or the ‘dark arts’, as you might call them – I think the evidence is clear," Peach said.

He warned that the UK is not prepared for the scale of scenarios that could result, including widespread power cuts and full-scale war. 

Baroness Coussins added that British intelligence services regularly identify and disrupt potential violent threats inside the country and pointed to the activities of so-called proxy structures linked to Russia and Iran. 

Undersea cables and European pattern

Peach said the threat to the UK posed by undersea cable disruption, which carries internet connectivity, financial transactions, and essential data, was an issue he had raised as Chief of the Defense Staff and one that has only sharpened since.

He pointed to a politically motivated arson attack in Berlin in January 2026 that caused a widespread power cut affecting 45,000 households and 2,200 businesses, including internet and heating.

The recent fire at an electrical substation that forced the closure of London's Heathrow Airport, causing mass flight cancellations and power disruption, was raised as a UK precedent showing how single-point sabotage can cascade across critical systems.

Lord Peach warned that malicious attacks “can have real damage.” 

In charge for 14 years at the Home Office and 10 at Hampshire police, the Tories co-authored the Henry Nowak tragedy, says Clive Pinder. But Kemi Badenoch has shown she is determined to do something about it.

The post The Tories Co-Authored The Henry Nowak Tragedy. Can Kemi Badenoch Tear up the Script? appeared first on The Daily Sceptic.

Joe Mantello’s stark revival of Arthur Miller’s classic drama takes home six awards, while Ragtime and Schmigadoon! pick up musical wins

• Tony awards 2026: red carpet looks and the best of the show – in pictures

• Tony awards 2026: full list of winners

A stripped-back take on Arthur Miller’s Death of a Salesman dominated this year’s Tonys, winning six awards, while Lesley Manville and John Lithgow took home lead acting trophies.

Death of a Salesman was named best revival of a play, with the award-winning director Joe Mantello praising Miller’s story as one that “still talks to us through time”. Star Nathan Lane accepted the award on behalf of the cast, and called it a play that “continues to teach us who we are as humans and Americans”.

This year’s Tony awards saw wins for John Lithgow, Laurie Metcalf, Joshua Henry and Lesley Manville

• Tony awards 2026: Death of a Salesman triumphs, as Lesley Manville and John Lithgow also win

• Tony awards 2026: red carpet looks and the best of the show – in pictures

The Lost Boys
Schmigadoon! – WINNER!
Titaníque
Two Strangers (Carry a Cake Across New York)

David Rush, who was arrested in May, stole millions from US government through ‘special access program’, officials say

A former executive intelligence agent who is accused of stealing more than $40m in gold bars from the CIA reportedly created a fake spy program to siphon money, the latest on his fraudulent activity, the Washington Post first reported.

David Rush, who was a senior-level employee of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) for 17 years, was arrested in May after FBI agents discovered Rush had taken 303 bullion bars, each about 2.2lbs, dozens of luxury watches, and more than $2m in foreign currency from his government office.

Call for ‘clear and truthful account’ comes amid questions about the Reform leader’s property spending

The Labour party has written to Nigel Farage urging him to stop “evading reasonable scrutiny” over the £5m personal gift he received from the Thailand-based crypto billionaire Christopher Harborne.

The letter coincides with approval of a planning application that reveals the Reform leader’s plans to transform a dilapidated Kent property into a luxury beachfront residence.

The dwarf elephants of the Aegean Islands represent a fascinating intersection of paleontology, archaeology, and environmental history, yet their significance during the Mycenaean period remains insufficiently explored.

These now-extinct, insular-adapted elephants provide a critical look into evolutionary biology and human-environment interaction in Bronze Age Greece.

Insular dwarfism: Evolutionary mechanisms and island biogeography

Dwarf elephants of the Aegean, such as Elephas creticus on Crete and Palaeoloxodon tiliensis on Tilos, exemplify insular dwarfism, an adaptive response to island isolation characterized by limited resources, absence of large predators, and ecological shifts.

Morphometric analyses of fossilized remains at the Department of Genetics, Evolution and Environment of the University College of London demonstrate a marked reduction in body size, skeletal robustness, and changes in dentition compared to mainland proboscideans.

These evolutionary modifications likely occurred over tens of thousands of years, culminating well before the Mycenaean era, with the last populations vanishing at the close of the Pleistocene or early Holocene. The islands’ geographical isolation, combined with fluctuating sea levels and climatic conditions, further influenced the survival and adaptation of these populations.

Archaeological correlations: Mycenaean awareness and utilization

A probable descendant of the large straight-tusked elephant (Palaeoloxodon antiquus), scholar George Theodorou claimed it walked the Earth as recently as 3,500 years ago. This is based on preliminary radiocarbon dating completed in the 1970s, which would make it the youngest surviving dwarf elephant as well as elephant in general in Europe.

Archaeological evidence suggests that Mycenaean societies were aware of—and possibly exploited—remnants of these creatures. Elephant molars and teeth, discovered in Mycenaean contexts across mainland Greece and the islands, appear to have been repurposed as raw materials for crafting tools, ornaments, or ritual objects.

The provenance of these elephant teeth is debated. They may have been derived from fossilized remains of dwarf elephants embedded in island deposits. The Mycenaeans scavenged these for durable ivory-like materials. The studies of Mycenaean artifacts employing elephant ivory or tooth, for instance, demonstrate distinct wear patterns and sourcing signatures, implying a sophisticated interaction with paleontological resources.

In an early form of “cultural paleontology,” this is evidence that megafauna contributed materially and symbolically to Bronze Age material culture. However it’s not unreasonable to suggest that the Mycenaeans may have seen living dwarf elephants, especially on remote islands such as Tilos.

Even if rare, their presence could explain the cultural reuse of elephant teeth—not just as fossil curiosities,but as materials from an animal still within human memory or possibly even within living contact. Such use is also indicative of a level of knowledge or at least recognition of these animals’ past presence, perhaps integrated into local lore or ritual symbolism.

Ecological impact and anthropogenic factors in extinction

The extinction of dwarf elephants in the Aegean is often attributed primarily to natural climatic shifts. Sea-level changes following the last Ice Age also had a significant impact. However, the intensification of human activity during the Neolithic through Mycenaean periods likely accelerated their disappearance.

Deforestation, habitat fragmentation, and hunting pressure from early agricultural communities would have placed additional stress on already vulnerable island populations. Analyzing sediment cores and pollen records in conjunction with archaeological site data indicates significant environmental transformations. These coincide with the expansion of Mycenaean influence.

Although most dwarf elephant species went extinct well before the Mycenaean period (ca. 1600–1100 BC), there is credible evidence that some may have survived into that time, potentially overlapping with early Mycenaean society.

Analytical implications: Reassessing Mycenaean interaction with prehistoric fauna

The presence of elephant teeth in Mycenaean material culture challenges traditional dichotomies separating natural history from human history. It invites reconsideration of this society’s environmental perception. Mycenaeans were not merely exploiters of living fauna but also curators of a landscape layered with prehistoric memory.

Further multidisciplinary research combining paleontology, archaeozoology, and geochemical sourcing is necessary to clarify the extent and nature of Mycenaean engagement with these extinct species. The analysis of wear patterns, isotopic signatures, and contextual associations of elephantine artifacts can yield insights into trade networks, symbolic systems, and resource utilization strategies.

Moreover, integrating the study of dwarf elephants into the broader narrative of Mycenaean civilization enriches understanding of how ancient societies conceptualized and incorporated their environmental heritage. It reveals a nuanced picture of cultural continuity and ecological awareness, bridging deep time with Bronze Age lifeways.

Since the 19th century, several precious gold objects associated with the Mycenaean civilization have been discovered by archaeologists, predominantly at important burial sites where the royals and elite of Bronze Age Greece were buried.

The Mycenaeans were the first distinctly Greek culture to dominate mainland Greece during the late Bronze Age period between c. 1750 and 1050 BC. Their civilization was characterized by palatial states, advanced urban organization, and a written language dubbed Linear B by modern historians. It was during the Mycenaen age that the Trojan War purportedly happened, as retold in Homer’s Iliad.

The discovery of Mycenaean gold sheds light on the material culture of this enigmatic civilization but there are still many unanswered questions. For example, researchers are unsure whether the Mycenaeans crafted all of these items themselves, or whether they were obtained in trade and war.

The Grave Circles at Mycenae

The most famous examples of Mycenaean gold were discovered in two grave circles uncovered at the ancient Bronze Age site of Mycenae. Grave Circle A was discovered by Heinrich Schliemann in 1876 based on the descriptions of Homer and Pausanias. Grave Circle B was excavated in 1952 by archaeologists Ioannis Papadimitriou and Georgios Mylonas after workmen accidentally stumbled on the tombs a year before.

Both grave circles, dating back to the 16th century BC, contained impressive amounts of gold objects and other precious items. Unlike other Bronze Age tombs, they had not been discovered by the grave robbers and looted.

Grave Circle A contained 15 kg (33 lbs) of gold alone, making it one of the most substantial archaeological finds in all of Europe. Both grave circles contained hundreds of previous objects including jewelry, ornamental clothing attachments, decorated weapons, and highly distinctive funeral masks.

The Death Mask of Agamemnon

The most iconic find is the so-called Death Mask of Agamemnon. Schleimann named the mask after the legendary Mycenaean King Agamemnon who led the Achaean Greeks in the Trojan War according to Homer’s Iliad. However, more recent research has indicated that the mask predates the time that Agamemnon was supposed to have lived by about three centuries.

The Mask of Agamemnon was crafted utilizing a single large gold sheet that underwent heating and hammering against a wooden surface. The intricate details were then added through the process of chasing, using a sharp tool to etch them onto the mask.

There were six other death masks discovered in Grave Circle A. Of the seven masks, six belonged to adult males and one to a child. None of the women discovered at the gravesite were buried with ornate masks.

The masks in Grave Circle A exhibit similar characteristics, featuring flat foil-like layers of gold depicting round, bald faces with round eyes and prominent ears. In contrast, Grave Circle B includes a death mask made of electrum, placed in a container next to a buried body instead of being placed on the deceased. The scarcity of death masks in Grave Circle B suggests that the interred individuals held lower wealth or status compared to the abundance of valuable material found in Grave Circle A, including the death masks.

The Royal Tombs at Pylos

The burials at Mycenae might have provided the most famous examples of Mycenaean gold, but they are not the only Bronze Age tombs where exquisite items have been found.

In 2019, a team of archaeologists discovered Bronze Age royal tombs situated near the royal palace of Pylos, said to have once been the seat of power for Nestor, the eldest among the Greek rulers who fought in Trojan War.

The larger tomb, which was once 12m (36 feet) wide and 4.5 meters (15 feet) deep, had stone walls that once stood as tall as the ground’s height. The underground chambers were originally covered by domes, but over time, the roofs and upper walls collapsed. Consequently, the tombs became buried beneath numerous melon-sized stones and a tangled mass of grape vines. In their excavation efforts, archaeologists from the University of Cincinnati, including Jack Davis, Sharon Stocker, and their colleagues, had to painstakingly clear away vegetation and manually remove the stones.

What they discovered, however, was extraordinary. Among the debris, the floors of the burial pits were adorned with shimmering flakes of gold leaf, which had once embellished the walls and floors of the chambers. The tombs, although lacking the remains of their occupants – suggesting a potential disturbance in the distant past – were nonetheless filled with opulent artifacts such as jewelry, gold, bronze, and gemstones.

A particularly interesting find was a gold pendant bearing the image of the Egyptian goddess Hathor who presided over motherhood and the protection of the dead. The Greeks during later periods drew parallels between Hathor and Aphrodite but it is not entirely clear what she meant to the Mycenaean Greeks during the Bronze Age. In any case, the artifact hints at trade links between the Mycenaeans and Egyptians at the time of the burials, which are believed to be about 3,500 years old.

Gold Mining in Mycenaean Greece

As pointed out in an academic paper authored by  M. Vavelidis and S. Andreou, “Numerous objects of gold displaying an impressive variety of types and manufacturing techniques are known from the Late Bronze Age (LBA) contexts of Mycenaean Greece, but very little is known about the origin and processing of gold during the second millennium BC.”

This raises several questions, namely: where did the Mycenaeans source their gold from? Interestingly, the wider Argolid region in which Mycenae was itself located and where the discoveries were made of numerous stunning golden items, is bereft of gold. If the Bronze Age Greeks did their own mining it was therefore elsewhere in Greece.

According to Vavelidis and Andreou, “Ancient literature and recent research indicate that northern Greece is probably the richest gold-bearing region in Greece, and yet very little evidence exists regarding the exploitation of its deposits and the production as well as use of gold in the area during prehistory.”

Nevertheless, by examining the chemical composition of prehistoric artifacts from two settlements alongside the composition of gold deposits in their nearby regions, it becomes evident that gold was locally sourced in some parts of Greece. This finding also raises the possibility that a portion of the Mycenaean gold may have originated from northern Greece.

Furthermore, the discovery of small stone crucibles, one of which bore visible traces of gold melting, at the archaeological site of Toumba in Thessaloniki, proves that local production of gold items took place very early in ancient Greek history.

Beyond mining, the Mycenaeans may also have obtained gold via trade and war. In some cases, Mycenaean traders may have bought gold for Greek craftsmen to shape into various objects, and in other cases, they would have imported finished items.

The Mycenaeans were well-respected as warriors across the Eastern Mediterranean and sometimes fought in the armies of neighboring civilizations like the Egyptians as mercenaries. The leaders of these Mycenaean mercenary bands may have received gold as payments or gifts in exchange for their martial services.

The Greek alphabet has changed in many ways over the course of its existence. This is hardly surprising, given that the Greeks have been using it for nearly three millennia. One way in which it has changed is that some letters that used to exist in the Greek alphabet are now missing. Which letters were these, and what do we know about them?

The first letters of the Greek alphabet

To start, let us establish how the Greek alphabet acquired its letters in the first place. According to ancient Greek historians, the Greeks adopted the Phoenician alphabet after the arrival of a Phoenician prince named Cadmus. Archaeology confirms that this occurred at some point in the ninth century BCE.

The Phoenician alphabet was composed of only consonants. When the Greeks adopted it, they modified it to include vowels as well. This was a major step forward in the development of writing.

According to Plutarch, a Greek historian of the first century CE, there were originally sixteen Greek letters. However, Hyginus, an earlier writer, reports that there were originally eighteen.

In reality, it appears that neither version is correct. Physical evidence in the form of ancient inscriptions reveals that the earliest Greek inscriptions made use of all twenty-two letters in the Phoenician alphabet. However, four of these were for sounds which did not exist in Greek, so they were modified into vowels.

Perhaps this is where Hyginus’ idea of eighteen original letters comes from, being a distorted memory of the eighteen original consonants. In any case, the total number of letters in the Greek alphabet increased over time.

Why are there some missing letters?

Some of the letters used in ancient Greek inscriptions are simply not in the modern Greek alphabet. Why is this? Simply put, the reason is that the Greek language itself has evolved over time, and the alphabet exists to comply to the needs of the language rather than vice versa.

Additionally, different dialects of the Greek language existed within the Greek world at the same time. Therefore, the needs of each dialect would not necessarily be covered by the same letters.

In the late fifth century BCE, the alphabet used by the Ionian Greeks became the official, standardized alphabet of Athens. Over the following century, it then replaced the local alphabets of other Greek regions. By that time, the dialect of the Ionian Greeks was such that their alphabet did not make use of all the letters that had once been in use. Rather, their alphabet used just twenty-four letters. Hence, what were the letters that the Greek alphabet used to have but no longer does?

Digamma

One of the most famous lost letters of the Greek alphabet is Digamma. This had the following form:

Ϝ

It is superficially very similar to the modern F, but the sound was completely different. It was essentially the modern w sound. In fact, the original name for this letter was ‘wau’, taken directly from the Phoenician name for this letter.

San

Another lost letter is San. This had the following form:

Ϻ

Like Digamma, this looks almost identical to a more familiar letter. In this case, it looks just like the modern letter M. However, like with Digamma, the sound indicated by this ancient letter was completely different. Unlike the modern M, the ancient San, or Ϻ, was used to indicate an s sound. This fell out of use in favor of the alternative letter Sigma, written as Σ.

Koppa

Another letter that is no longer in use is Koppa, which had the following written form:

Ϙ

This is similar to the modern Q in the English alphabet, and that is no coincidence. Koppa was still part of the Greek alphabet when the Latins adopted it, which led to this letter eventually becoming the Q in English. The English alphabet originated from the Romans. The sound Koppa indicated was a k sound. It eventually fell out of favor in Greek, being replaced by the alternative letter Kappa, written as Κ.

Sampi

This next letter is called Sampi. It was written as:

Ͳ

This is very similar to the modern T, but it is unrelated. That modern letter comes from the ancient Greek Tau which, of course, had a t sound. In contrast, the ancient Greek Sampi had some kind of s or sh sound, although the exact vocalization is unknown. In any case, it fell out of favor when this sound was no longer used.

Et si le gouvernement qui rabote et les syndicats qui s'indignent défendaient, sans le savoir, exactement la même chose ? La réforme de l'assurance chômage votée le 2 juin dit moins sur le milliard économisé que sur un pays qui a oublié, en soixante-dix ans, à qui appartient le salaire différé.

Il existe un document que cinq cent trente-huit mille Français ont signé l'an dernier, généralement un mardi ou un jeudi, dans un bureau des ressources humaines où l'on avait disposé pour l'occasion deux chaises, une bouteille d'eau et un parapheur, et ce document, né en 2008 d'un accord entre partenaires sociaux qui passait alors pour une révolution de velours, s'appelle une rupture conventionnelle. 538 433 homologations en 2024, selon la Dares. Un divorce à l'amiable entre le salarié et l'employeur, inventé pour solder sans drame, sans prud'hommes, sans humiliation, ce que le droit du licenciement rendait interminable.

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C'est ce document paisible que le Parlement vient de transformer en variable d'ajustement budgétaire.

Un milliard, quinze mille promesses

Le vote solennel du 2 juin a définitivement adopté le projet de loi transposant l'accord du 25 février 2026 entre partenaires sociaux. Le contenu tient en deux chiffres et une promesse : la durée maximale d'indemnisation après une rupture conventionnelle passe de 18 à 15 mois pour les moins de 55 ans, de 27 à 20,5 mois pour les plus âgés, et le gouvernement attend de ce resserrement un milliard d'euros d'économies annuelles pour l'Unedic, assorti de 15 000 retours à l'emploi supplémentaires chaque année et d'un accompagnement renforcé par France Travail dès le premier entretien.

IA : comment le Gouvernement prépare la grande vague de chômage des cols blancs, par Renaud Jacobs

Pendant que les plateaux de télévision s’extasient sur le « génie français » de l’intelligence artificielle et que le plan « Osez l’IA » promet de former 15 millions de salariés d’ici 2030, une réalité bien plus sombre se dessine dans les couloirs feutrés de l’Assemblée nationale. Cette nuit, un nouvel amendement

Le Courrier des StratègesRédaction

Les deux camps ont joué leur partition sans surprise. Côté gouvernemental, on dénonce les pré-retraites déguisées, les départs de confort, l'optimisation d'un dispositif devenu, dit-on, une machine à financer des transitions choisies. Côté syndical et à gauche, on dénonce le rabot, la précarisation, le énième tour de vis sur le dos des demandeurs d'emploi. Les uns veulent la cage moins chère. Les autres la veulent plus douillette. Personne, dans aucun des deux hémicycles, n'a demandé qui détient la clé.

Faut dire que la question n'est jamais à l'ordre du jour. On négocie les paramètres ; la propriété, elle, ne se discute pas.

Le détour par Tocqueville

Il y a, dans le second volume de De la démocratie en Amérique, une page que tout lecteur du Courrier connaît, et qu'il faut pourtant relire chaque fois que l'État français retouche un droit social, parce qu'elle décrit moins un régime politique qu'un climat. Tocqueville y imagine le pouvoir sous lequel s'endorment les démocraties et qui préfigure l'avachissement contemporain :

« Au-dessus de ceux-là s'élève un pouvoir immense et tutélaire, qui se charge seul d'assurer leur jouissance et de veiller sur leur sort. Il est absolu, détaillé, régulier, prévoyant et doux. Il ressemblerait à la puissance paternelle si, comme elle, il avait pour objet de préparer les hommes à l'âge viril ; mais il ne cherche, au contraire, qu'à les fixer irrévocablement dans l'enfance. »

Appliquons mot à mot. L'assurance chômage à la française n'est pas une assurance : c'est une tutelle. On n'y adhère pas, on y est affilié. On ne choisit ni l'assureur, ni la prime, ni les garanties, ni la durée de couverture. On ne peut pas en sortir, pas la comparer, pas la résilier. Et lorsque le tuteur a besoin d'argent, il modifie les garanties par la loi, rétroactivement pour les espérances, unilatéralement pour les contrats. Je suppose qu'un assureur privé qui réécrirait ainsi ses polices en cours rencontrerait assez vite un procureur. L'État, lui, rencontre une majorité.

Le pouvoir tutélaire n'a pas changé de nature depuis 1840. Il a changé de guichet.

Ce qu'on voit, ce qu'on ne voit pas

Reste à examiner le milliard, avec la méthode de Bastiat : ce qu'on voit, et ce qu'on ne voit pas.

Ce qu'on voit : un régime endetté, un milliard d'économies, quinze mille retours à l'emploi promis. Vertu budgétaire, sérieux gestionnaire, courage réformateur.

Ce qu'on ne voit pas — ou plutôt ce que l'Unedic elle-même documente, avec une constance d'actuaire désespéré : l'État a retiré 12,05 milliards d'euros de recettes au régime entre 2023 et 2026, pour financer France Travail et France Compétences. Sans ces ponctions, le régime serait excédentaire de 3,4 milliards en 2025 et de 4,5 milliards en 2026, et sa dette — bloquée autour de 61,5 milliards — serait retombée vers 42 milliards à l'horizon 2028, son niveau d'avant Covid. Autrement dit : le trou que l'allocataire est sommé de combler par trois mois d'indemnisation en moins, c'est l'État qui le creuse, par milliards, à l'étage du dessus. Le rabot tombe en bas. La ponction se décide en haut.

Et qui paie, en bout de chaîne ? La cotisation dite patronale — 4,05 % de chaque salaire — n'est pas un cadeau de l'employeur : c'est du salaire différé, une part de la rémunération que le salarié ne touche pas aujourd'hui pour être couvert demain. Quant à la part salariale, elle a été supprimée en 2018 et fondue dans la CSG : le salarié paie toujours, mais il ne le voit plus. On a effacé la ligne du bulletin de paie. On n'a pas effacé le prélèvement.

La branche Barbell sûre de votre patrimoine : or, T-bills, foncier, liquidités, par Vincent Clairmont

Vincent Clairmont continue aujourd’hui son passage en revue de votre stratégie Barbell antifragile en matière de patrimoine. La branche sûre représente 80 % de l’allocation, soit 400 000 euros sur le cas type. Son rôle n’est pas de rapporter : il est de ne pas perdre si le système se disloque. Quatre

Le Courrier des StratègesRédaction

Soixante-dix ans de réformes, zéro restitution

Ce n'est pas nouveau ; à le bien regarder, c'est même très français. L'Unedic naît en 1958 d'une convention entre patronat et syndicats — une assurance paritaire, gérée par ceux qui la financent, à laquelle l'État ne touche pas. Puis l'histoire s'écrit comme une lente digestion.

2008 : la fusion ANPE-Assedic crée Pôle emploi, et l'opérateur passe sous la main publique.

2018 : la cotisation salariale disparaît dans la CSG, et l'assurance devient pour partie un impôt.

2019 : les partenaires sociaux ne s'accordant pas, l'État écrit lui-même les règles par décret — carence, dégressivité, salaire de référence.

2021 : la contracyclicité indexe les droits sur la conjoncture, décidée d'en haut.

2023-2026 : les ponctions.

2026 : un accord négocié sous lettre de cadrage budgétaire, transposé par un Parlement qui rabote.

Chaque décennie apporte sa réforme paramétrique — durée, taux, différé, plancher — et chaque réforme laisse intacte la seule question qui vaille : la cotisation appartient-elle à celui qui la verse ? On réforme l'usufruit. On ne rend jamais la nue-propriété.

Et les assurés acceptent chaque tour de vis avec cette résignation de troupeau qu'on tond à date fixe, et qui s'étonne moins du froid que du changement de calendrier.

Pendant ce temps

Pendant que les deux hémicycles se disputaient trois mois d'indemnisation, la Cour des comptes publiait cette semaine son examen des conséquences budgétaires de la démographie française — la bombe lente que personne ne désamorce — et l'Agence France Trésor poursuivait son programme d'émissions : plus de 530 milliards d'euros à lever cette année, un record absolu, avec un écart de taux franco-allemand installé à 69 points de base. La question de savoir qui paiera la tutelle quand la pyramide des âges aura fini son œuvre n'a été posée nulle part. Elle aurait pourtant rendu le débat sur les quinze mois presque reposant.

Dernier mot

Que ferait une société libre ? Quelque chose de très simple et de très improbable : elle rendrait la cotisation au salarié. Un compte individuel, portable d'un emploi à l'autre, alimenté par ces 4,05 % qui sont son salaire différé ; le droit d'en confier la gestion à l'assureur de son choix — mutuelle, caisse syndicale, compagnie, et pourquoi pas l'Unedic, qui concourrait comme les autres ; la liberté d'arbitrer soi-même entre durée de couverture et niveau de garantie. La solidarité véritable — chômage de longue durée, accidents de la vie — relèverait de l'impôt : voté, visible, assumé, au lieu d'être dissimulé dans la tuyauterie d'un régime que l'État pille d'une main et rabote de l'autre. Le système de Gand, où des caisses volontaires assurent les salariés, fait vivre cette idée au Danemark et en Suède depuis un siècle — pays dont je ne sache pas qu'ils passent pour des jungles libérales.

Peut-être cette réforme produira-t-elle son milliard ; peut-être même ses quinze mille emplois. Là n'est pas l'objection. L'objection, c'est qu'on aura une fois de plus ajusté la pension de l'assuré sans jamais lui demander son avis sur l'assurance — et qu'on appellera cela, sérieusement, fébrilement, presque pieusement, un progrès du dialogue social.

Le jour où un salarié lira, au bas de son bulletin de paie, le nom d'un assureur qu'il aura choisi, la réforme aura eu lieu. En attendant, on rabote la rente. La cage, elle, vient d'être repeinte.

The beloved souvlaki has been around since ancient times. Archaeologists have found skewers dating back to the Bronze Age, and recent research looks at the functioning of early grills. In particular, “souvlaki trays” have been discovered dating all the way back to Mycenaean culture.

Therans and Mycenaean cultures were known for their luxurious lifestyles, ornate and colorful clothes, exquisite art, and sea trade with other cultures, such as Egypt. People developed these cultures on the islands of Crete and Santorini.

World’s oldest Bronze Age souvlaki on Santorini

The oldest souvlaki skewers found seem to be those discovered by archaeologists on Santorini dating back as far as 2000 BC. There are traces of the popularity of souvlaki on Santorini and Crete through the Bronze Age, and both Theran and Mycenean cultures made use of this method of cooking.

Ancient Greek texts such as the Iliad and the Odyssey describe a spit (Greek: ὀβελός) being used to roast meat, but the exact functioning of the souvlaki trays was unknown until recently. The works of great poets and writers describe the same obeliskos being popular. Sophocles, Aristophanes, Xenophon, and Aristoteles all mention or describe the popular dish in their works.

Mycenean cooking and culture

It seems that ancient Mycenaeans did not have a large variety of foods available to them. Despite this, they developed various types of cooking methods, fostering innovation. Part of that innovation was souvlaki trays, as was cooking in jars, among other techniques. At the time and for most of ancient history, cooking was mostly done on hearths with few ingredients. The portable and lightweight souvlaki trays changed this for Mycenaeans around 1400 to 1050 B.C.

Academics suggest that an important historical force behind these contraptions was status. While the Myceneans had incredibly rich art and fashion, their diet lacked diversity, though a marker of status was drinking wine. On the other hand, one can imagine poorer Mycenaeans drank beer.

As they were skilled sailors, Therans on Santorini island had begun brewing beer in the II millennium B.C., possibly learning the skill from Egypt or the Near East, where beer had been brewed since the III and IV millennium B.C. Accounts of the 5th and 4th centuries B.C. tell of an Athenian bias against beer. It was considered a drink of barbarians, Egyptians, or even women. Beer brewing was never seen as valuable.

By the Classical period, this all changed. Wine had become readily available to all, pushing elites in later Greek societies to seek other ways to distinguish themselves — for instance, through the use of specific gadgets and kitchen appliances, echoing earlier innovations like the Mycenaean souvlaki trays.

The souvlaki tray

The souvlaki trays found in Gla, Pylos, and Crete added something to the age-old tradition. Similar to modern-day outdoor grills, they were designed to be portable and good for travel or entertainment. Meat cuts seem to have been similar to the ones popular for souvlaki today, made from either lamb, pork, or mutton, and the meal was accompanied by bread made of various cereals.

The clay trays had placeholders for the skewers and, until recently, how they actually functioned was unknown. Researchers at Dartmouth College have recreated the trays using original ancient pottery techniques, tools, and ingredients. They realized the trays were not meant to be put on a hearth as originally thought. Rather, embers were placed in the tray and the skewers were grilled. They were practical, portable, and delicious!

The massive Altar Stone at Stonehenge may have received some help from ancient glaciers on its long journey to southern England, but people still likely carried it much of the remaining distance, according to new research.

The study, led by Anthony J. I. Clarke and published in the Journal of Quaternary Science, examined the possible origins and transport routes of the six-ton sandstone monument that sits at the center of Stonehenge.

Researchers have long believed the Altar Stone came from northeast Scotland, roughly 700 kilometers (435 miles) from Stonehenge. However, exactly where the stone originated and how it reached Salisbury Plain have remained major archaeological mysteries.

Searching for the stone’s birthplace

The team combined geological analysis with computer models of ancient ice sheet movements to investigate whether glaciers could have transported the stone southward during the last Ice Age. Scientists focused on the Orcadian Basin, a large geological region in northeast Scotland that has been proposed as the stone’s source.

How did a 6-ton stone reach Stonehenge from Scotland?

Researchers found that glaciers may have moved the monument's famous Altar Stone part of the way. But ancient people likely completed the final journey, hauling the massive rock hundreds of kilometers across Britain. pic.twitter.com/mQFbTIb3ve

— Tom Marvolo Riddle (@tom_riddle2025) June 4, 2026

The study compared the Altar Stone’s mineral signature with sandstone formations across the basin. Researchers looked specifically at the ages of zircon grains embedded in the rock. These grains act like geological fingerprints and can help identify where a stone was formed.

The results pointed most strongly toward Caithness in mainland northeast Scotland. Sandstones from that region showed the closest match to the Altar Stone’s zircon age patterns.

Ice movement presents a problem

Although Caithness appears to be the best geological match, computer models revealed a complication.

Ancient glaciers in the area mostly moved toward the northeast rather than toward southern England. The models showed only a limited pathway that could have carried material southeast toward Dogger Bank, a now-submerged area beneath the North Sea.

That finding makes a direct glacial journey to Stonehenge unlikely. Researchers concluded that glaciers alone could not explain how the stone reached its final location.

Human transport still likely

Even if glaciers carried the stone as far as Dogger Bank, people would still have needed to move it about 400 kilometers (250 miles) to Stonehenge.

The study also noted another challenge. Dogger Bank was flooded by rising sea levels after the Ice Age before the Altar Stone is thought to have arrived at Stonehenge. This creates a timing problem for any theory relying entirely on glacial transport. As a result, researchers suggest that ice may have played only an intermediate role in the stone’s journey.

The findings support the idea that Neolithic communities were responsible for moving the enormous stone over great distances. While glaciers may have shortened part of the route, substantial human effort would still have been required to bring the Altar Stone to Stonehenge, one of the world’s most famous prehistoric monuments.

The study adds a new piece to the puzzle of how ancient builders assembled Stonehenge and highlights the remarkable achievements of the people who constructed it thousands of years ago.

For decades, conventional wisdom held that bread didn’t exist among Paleolithic people and was a relatively recent human innovation, an agricultural byproduct that emerged with the rise of farming in the Neolithic era, roughly 10,000 years ago. Recent archaeological discoveries have radically challenged this view, however, pushing the timeline of breadmaking back by at least 20,000 years.

In what can only be described as a groundbreaking study, a team of Italian researchers has revealed that Paleolithic hunter-gatherers in Europe not only consumed wild plants but also processed them into flour and baked a primitive flatbread. These findings were published in the prestigious journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS). They suggest that the roots of culinary innovation run far deeper than previously imagined.

Grinding stones and starch residue

At the heart of this discovery are ancient grinding stones. The archaeologists unearthed these flat stone slabs and pestle-like tools at sites across Italy, Russia, and the Czech Republic. The tools, dated to around 30,000 years ago, were originally assumed to have been used for processing pigments or crushing seeds. Nevertheless, when researchers Anna Revedin and Laura Longo of the Italian Institute of Prehistory and Early History in Florence conducted a detailed microscopic analysis, they uncovered traces of starch granules embedded in the stone surfaces.

The starches were identified as those of cattails, ferns, and other starchy wild plants, which would have required careful preparation to be rendered digestible. Revedin’s team concluded that these Paleolithic humans had not only harvested the plants but had dried, ground, and mixed them with water to form a kind of dough. Additionally, they likely cooked the resulting paste on hot stones near the fire, producing an early version of unleavened bread.

Rethinking the Paleolithic diet

The ancient Greeks themselves had a clear grasp of the evolution of human diet. Hippocrates, the father of medicine, wrote in his work On Ancient Medicine:

“It is for this reason, I believe, that people sought out food more suited to human nature, and eventually discovered the kind we now use. From wheat, after soaking, grinding, kneading, sifting, and baking, they made bread; from barley, they made flatcakes. After many efforts, they cooked, baked, mixed, and blended foods, diluting the strong and raw with milder ingredients, shaping everything according to human nature and capacity.”

The implications are profound. Until now, the standard narrative of Paleolithic diets emphasized a reliance on animal protein. This included meat and fish, with foraged fruits and plants playing only a minor role. The recent discovery challenges that model, however. Moreover, the implication is that these early humans were actually greatly skilled in the complex processing of wild plant foods. In other words, they also possessed the sophisticated ability to cook.

Furthermore, the evidence of flour production long before the advent of agriculture hints at a continuity of knowledge. The leap from gathering and grinding wild plants to cultivating domesticated grains may not have been as abrupt or revolutionary as once believed. Paleolithic peoples were far from passive consumers of raw resources, and the rise of farming could in fact have been the result of millennia of experimentation, habit, and accumulated expertise.

A quiet revolution

Perhaps most striking is what this discovery on bread reveals about Paleolithic ingenuity. The production of flour and bread is not simply a dietary choice. It reflects planning, patience, and an understanding of food chemistry. Drying plant roots, grinding them into powder, and then baking them requires more than survival instinct. It also requires culture.

As more research sheds light on the lives of our Paleolithic ancestors, it becomes increasingly clear that they were not the brutish cave-dwellers of outdated caricatures. They were observant, resourceful, and remarkably sophisticated in their interaction with the natural world.

Bread, it turns out, is not just the food of civilization. It may have been the food of pre-civilization, as well.

Ancient carnelian beads unearthed at the Sanxingdui Ruins in southwest China are providing new evidence of long-distance trade and cultural connections that linked distant regions during the Bronze Age, researchers said Tuesday.

The discovery was announced by the Sichuan Provincial Cultural Relics and Archaeology Research Institute, which recently studied 11 carnelian beads recovered from sacrificial pits at the famous archaeological site in Sichuan Province. The artifacts date to about 1200 to 1000 B.C.

According to Liu Jiancheng, an associate researcher at the institute, the beads are the southernmost known carnelian artifacts from the same period found in China. Their discovery is helping researchers trace the movement of valuable materials and ornamental goods across ancient East Asia.

Analysis traces beads to northern China

Carnelian is a reddish-orange gemstone that was widely used in ancient jewelry and decorative objects. Researchers conducted trace element analysis on the Sanxingdui beads and found that the raw materials did not originate in the Sichuan Basin.

Instead, the analysis traced the source of the stone to the Yanshan orogenic belt and regions farther north, more than 1,000 kilometers (620 miles) from Sanxingdui. The findings indicate that the materials traveled great distances before reaching the ancient Shu civilization.

Researchers also compared the beads with carnelian artifacts discovered at archaeological sites in Gansu, Shaanxi, and Beijing from roughly the same period. The chemical signatures closely matched those of the northern examples, suggesting they likely originated from related sources.

Evidence points to an extensive exchange network

The results point to the existence of a broad exchange network operating between 1500 and 1000 B.C. Researchers believe the network connected communities across the southern Mongolian Plateau, the Loess Plateau, the eastern Qinghai-Tibet Plateau, the Central Plains, and the Sichuan Basin.

The findings offer new insight into how goods moved across ancient China long before the establishment of formal trade routes. They also suggest that materials, technologies, and cultural influences circulated between regions that were separated by vast distances.

Discovery adds to Sanxingdui’s significance

Sanxingdui, located near the city of Guanghan, is one of China’s most important archaeological sites. The site has gained international attention for its extraordinary bronze masks, statues, and ritual objects, which have reshaped the understanding of early Chinese civilization.

Liu said the latest discovery shows that the Sanxingdui society participated in a far-reaching network of exchanges about 3,000 years ago. That network extended into northern China and may have reached as far as the Mongolian Plateau.

The researcher said the evidence highlights the depth of interaction among different cultures during China’s Bronze Age. The discovery also supports the view that a broader and increasingly interconnected Chinese civilization was already taking shape thousands of years ago, while regional societies continued to maintain their own distinct identities.

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