He was familiar with General Moskalik, who was killed in the same area.
“The explosive is TNT. That it was in the cabin is nonsense, he would have been torn to pieces,” said the ASTRA interlocutor.
According to him, the bomb was installed under the bottom of the car. The incident is being handled by the military prosecutor’s office and the FSB. At the same time, FSB officers worked in civilian clothes at the site of the explosion.
Also, the fact that the name Damir sounded at the site of the explosion was heard by one of the eyewitnesses, whom ASTRA spoke to. The fact that Davydov became the victim of an assassination attempt is also confirmed by The Insider with reference to the SBU.
Davydov is a colonel who headed the Department of Supply of rocket and artillery ammunition of the Russian Ministry of Defense GRAU (military unit 64176), which is responsible for the supply of weapons and ammunition to the Russian army.
According to the Ukrainian Evocation project, Davydov grew up in the closed city of Penza-19, where his father, Rafael Davydov, worked at the Start software, which produced nuclear missiles.
In open data it is also said that he previously commanded the Central Test Technical Bureau, belonging to the 51st Arsenal of the Main Rocket and Artillery Directorate of the Russian Ministry of Defense in the Vladimir region.
In the same area of Balashikha, less than 1 km from the site of the current explosion, in April 2025, an improvised device explosion killed Deputy Chief of the General Staff, Lieutenant General Yaroslav Moskalik. According to an ASTRA source, Davydov and Moskalik were friends.
Davydov, apparently, has long been a target of the Ukrainian special services — his name is also included on the website of the Ukrainian project “The Book of Executioners”.
“He was directly involved in the planning and organization of the Russian military invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022,” it said.
Eyewitnesses publish footage from the Natra cargo ship attacked in the Taganrog Bay of the Sea of Azov on the night of June 5, an OSINT analyst at ASTRA was convinced.
The moment of impact on Natra is also visible in the footage of Ukraine’s unmanned systems. In the video, the drone flies into the deckhouse area.
Earlier, the Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry reported the death of five citizens and the wounding of three more in an attack on the bulk carriers Natra under the flag of Belize and Cirkon under the flag of Palau.
As ASTRA has seen, Natra has changed flags several times and was previously called Amur 2532. The Cirkon cargo ship previously sailed under the flag of the Russian Federation and was named Volga-Don 5042.
According to the commander of the SBU of Ukraine, the attacked vessels were used for illegal logistics, including the transportation of Ukrainian grain, military cargo and fuel.
The Minval newspaper noted that these vessels “do not belong to the Azerbaijani state.” The ships were sailing from Turkey to Rostov-on-Don for loading.
Residents of the Saratov region informed ASTRA about the limits at gas stations. The earlier “7×7” calculated, that different types of fuel purchase restrictions have already appeared in 14 regions.
The “head” of the annexed Crimea, Sergey Aksyonov, confirmed the cessation of the sale of gasoline coupons and its sale in cash. Earlier, he reported that coupons had stopped being sold. As a matter of priority, utilities and security services, as well as public transport, will be provided with fuel.
At the end of May, residents of Ryazan complained about the lack of AI-92 and AI-95 gasoline at gas stations, amid a drone attack on Rosneft’s Ryazan refinery in mid—May. In the same month, fuel shortages began to be reported at many gas stations in the occupied Crimea: ATAN and AI-92 TPP gas stations sell with a limit of 20 liters per vehicle, refueling in cans is prohibited.
Against the background of UAV attacks on oil facilities in St. Petersburg, gasoline supply was limited to 50 liters per check. Before that, about the limits of up to 20 liters in one hand. It was reported from the occupied areas of the Luhansk region. In the Belgorod and Kursk regions, Rosneft gas stations were temporarily restricted to release of gasoline into cans. Restrictions on gasoline and diesel were also introduced at the gas stations of ORTK, Lukoil and Gazprom in the Moscow region, Moscow and St. Petersburg. According to Fontanka, the problems with the AI-95 are related, among other things, to the shutdowns of refineries in Kirishi and Yaroslavl.
In Krasnoyarsk, at a Rosneft gas station, a local resident was refused to pour gasoline into a canister — employees referred to restrictions imposed on May 29. Residents of the neighboring Tomsk Region faced similar bans. Some gas stations in Karelia have introduced temporary restrictions — the head of the regional Ministry of Industry and Trade explained this by increased demand at the beginning of summer holidays. Gasoline was also stopped at a number of gas stations in the Murmansk region.
In the Voronezh region, residents reported that they could not find gasoline at one of the gas stations in the village of Shilovo. In the Orel region, they stopped releasing gasoline into metal cans. Limits of up to 20 liters have been introduced in Novgorod region. Restrictions have been introduced in Kamchatka in Palan (Koryak district): “so that there are enough fuel reserves in the warehouse before the winter camp opens next year,” the head of Palana said.
A Kommersant source in the fuel market warned that if the situation does not improve, by the end of the summer the crisis will affect “most of the regions” of the country.
The morning news broadcasts on Channel One and Rossiya-1 did not tell about the large-scale attack of Ukrainian drones on St. Petersburg on the first day of the SPIEF, as a result of which JSC Petersburg Marine Terminal and JSC Kronshtadt Marine Plant were damaged, ASTRA confirmed.
In the newscasts on Channel One at 9 and 12 a.m. Moscow time, the main topics were the SPIEF and the nighttime escalation in the Middle East, in the newscasts on Russia-1 at 9 and 11 a.m. there was an attack by the Ukrainian Armed Forces on a bus in Yenakiyevo and “the intensification of the offensive of Russian troops in several key areas of the special operation.”
Against a traffic police inspector from Tulun (Irkutsk region) Viktor Askhaev, who complained to the Prosecutor General’s Office about corruption on the part of his boss, was prosecuted under the article on “illegal collection of computer information,” ASTRA has learned.
The case was initiated after Viktor’s colleagues stopped a motorist without a license, who told them that he had “already resolved the issue” with their superiors. The protocol drawn up for him mysteriously disappeared from the database and the car was returned to him. After the inspectors tried to raise this issue, the head of the Tulunsky traffic police department, Ivan Kremensky (pictured), destroyed their report and records from the registrar. As a result, Viktor decided to make the check himself and asked one of the employees to check the motorist’s data in order to use it when drafting an application to the Prosecutor General’s Office.
After a formal check, Askhaev received threats for several months demanding that he stop writing complaints, and his colleagues warned him that Kremensky was allegedly personally encouraging his friend from the FSB, Ivanov (surname changed), and his supervisor to fabricate a criminal case against him in order to remove him from the service.
On April 13, 2026, when Askhaev was on duty in Tulun, an unmarked minibus approached him and his partner on the highway. People in masks, bulletproof vests and an FSB patch on their chests ran out. Among them was the aforementioned FSB operative, Lieutenant Ivanov. Viktor was detained and brought to the Tulunsky Investigative Committee building.
There, the man was taken to investigator Alina Zenkova (pictured), where employees of the regional FSB special forces unit began demanding a password from his phone and mocking him. After Askhaev’s head was hit against a cabinet and he almost fell, Zenkova demanded that he be taken out of her office because she was afraid for the safety of the furniture.
Askhaev was transferred to the next office. Ivanov punched him in the stomach and announced that he had done it because he had spoken unflatteringly about his friend, the head of the Tulunsky traffic police department, Kremensky, in telephone conversations. After that, Askhaev was beaten in the chest and in the face, he began to lose consciousness. The security forces poured water on him to wake him up.
Without receiving the phone password, two FSB officers pulled off Askhaev’s clothes and grabbed him by the legs, while the third began raping him with an adjustment rod. When asked if he remembered the password, the man was physically unable to answer anything, after which the torture continued. He fainted from the unbearable pain.
When Askhaev woke up, he saw that he was already in his clothes, and the ambulance staff were standing over him. They gave him a pill, gave him an injection, and gave him a waiver of hospitalization. One of the FSB officers asked them to leave them a syringe with medicine and ammonia to bring him back to his senses. They complied with the request and left.
As a result, the beaten Askhaev was forced to say on camera that he had no complaints against the FSB officers, sign all the procedural documents and give the phone password. After that, the man was sent to an IVS, where investigator Zenkova and lawyer Potemin convinced him to confess, otherwise he would be left in jail. Nikitin, the head of the Tulun Investigative Committee, also came there, threatening that another criminal case would be fabricated against him.
As a result, Askhaev was sent on his own recognizance.
According to an ASTRA source, Kremensky, the head of the Tulun traffic police, and Ivanov, an FSB operative, are friends and spend a lot of time together.
At the moment, according to ASTRA’s interlocutor in the law enforcement services, the military investigation department is investigating the use of torture against Askhaev by FSB officers. A pre-investigation check has also been launched against Zenkova. The criminal case against Askhaev himself has not been terminated. A prosecutor’s check on corruption in the department revealed nothing.
It is noteworthy that the doctors of the Tulun City Hospital did not record even half of Askhaev’s complaints, and the chief physician, Elena Gusevskaya, refused to extend his sick leave, citing administrative pressure.
Sister pulled one of them out of the car, and the other was sent to war.
On May 23, in Primorsky region, two men, Alexei Borisov and his friend Sergei Vesyagin, were lured under the pretext of working in a military unit and forced to sign a contract under threats and physical violence. Boris’s sister Elena managed to physically pull him out of the car. Vesyagin was later sent to Ukraine. Elena Borisova told about this in public video messages, and she shared the details with ASTRA.
Alexey Borisov is a handyman who was hired based on requests from social networks. According to his sister, he is a mentally retarded man who studied in a correctional program.
According to Elena, on May 20, a serviceman drove Vesyagin from the village of Pokrovka to Ussuriysk and offered him a part-time job “repairing fences, plastering, mowing grass” for 5,000 rubles a day. Vyagin initially refused, but left a phone number. The military kept calling. On the morning of May 24, with a hangover, he agreed.
After that, two men in civilian clothes came for Borisov and Vyagin in the afternoon, but they did not introduce themselves. On the way to Sergeyevka, the men stopped in Ussuriysk, bought alcohol, and then fed it in a cafe. Later, at the location of the 394th Motorized Rifle Regiment, Alexey and Sergey had their phones and documents taken away. They were taken by car directly to the territory and locked indoors: three rooms without doors, each with people in the same position. A few hours later, two soldiers came to them demanding to sign a contract. At first, they tried to persuade him verbally, with threats and manipulations: they promised that they would not be sent to the front, they would work with the unit. Both refused. The military left and returned — “not only verbal threats, but also physical violence began,” says Elena. Fearing for their lives, both signed. “They signed on three pieces of paper — they just signed it,” Elena said. They were not told what exactly they were signing.
As they were being escorted through the checkpoint, one of the soldiers said, “Step left, step right, I’ll shoot you.” Borisov and Vesyagin were put in a car and taken to make bank cards in order to charge 200 thousand rubles each “for signing a contract.” At that moment, Elena managed to get her brother out of the car, while Vesyagin was taken away.
According to Elena, she happened to be at the checkpoint because she was going to complain to the military prosecutor’s office located at the same address. At the checkpoint, she was told that “if they took her to the 394th, then it’s bad, there’s game going on there.”
After Elena posted a video with her brother’s story on Instagram, Sergey Vesyagin’s sister contacted her. According to his sister, Vyagin said that he was being hidden elsewhere and was being prepared to be sent to the front. He could not be contacted, and his relatives filed a complaint with the military prosecutor’s office and the investigative committee.
The military also offered Vyagin to bring more people — they promised a thousand rubles for each new recruit: “We need five or six people.” Vyagin refused.
Elena suggests that the military units of Ussuriysk are specifically looking for “single men without relatives” who could be forced to sign a contract.
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