More than 900 Ukrainian children completed military training at a Volgograd camp, the resistance movement Yellow Ribbon reported on 11 June. The two-week shift drew teenagers from occupied Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson oblasts.

The session, Yellow Ribbon argued, is evidence of "systemic policy" rather than isolated cases. The documentary record supports that framing. Russia's Warrior Center is a creation of Vladimir Putin's 2022 decree. It ran 1,290 Ukrainian children through the same Avangard base in 2024 alone, a Kyiv Independent investigation found. Yale's Humanitarian Research Lab has separately mapped 210 facilities across Russia and occupied Ukraine that hold or militarize children.

Two weeks of drills, drones, and indoctrination

The "Time of Young Heroes" session at the Avangard defense base ran for two weeks. Teenagers aged 14 to 17 trained in basic military preparation, drone operations, tactical medicine, and physical drills. The program also featured meetings with Russian war veterans and events built around loyalty to the Russian army, Yellow Ribbon said.

"The scale of such programs is striking. We are no longer talking about isolated cases, but about systemic policy." — Yellow Ribbon resistance movement, 11 June 2026

Avangard operates as a network of military-patriotic centers under Russia's Defense Ministry. The United Kingdom sanctioned the camp in November 2024 for deporting and indoctrinating Ukrainian children. At the same site, Ukrainian teenagers practice trench-digging, mine clearance, and weapons handling. The Kyiv Independent first documented that training pipeline in October. Ukrinform also reported the Yellow Ribbon findings the same day.

From occupied schools to the Volgograd pipeline

The 900 teenagers arrived at Volgograd from a re-education infrastructure built across the occupied territories. Schools in the occupied Donbas have made military training a mandatory subject from fifth grade onward. Occupation authorities enroll children as young as six in the Yunarmiya youth army for drills and pro-Kremlin lessons.

More than 19,000 Ukrainian children have been deported to Russia since 24 February 2022, Yale researchers estimate. Up to 1.6 million more remain under Russian occupation. Ukraine has returned just over 2,000 through its Bring Kids Back UA initiative.

In March 2026, Yale's lab tied Russian energy giants Gazprom and Rosneft to the camps. The two firms helped transfer at least 2,158 Ukrainian children across Russia, the report found.

Three months earlier, a Ukrainian rights lawyer told the US Senate of further escalation. Russia had sent teenagers to North Korea's Songdowon International Children's Camp—9,000 kilometers from home.

In March 2023, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Putin and Russian Children's Rights Commissioner Maria Lvova-Belova. Both face charges for the unlawful deportation of Ukrainian children. The court classified the practice as a war crime.

Russian occupation forces have deliberately manufactured a food shortage in occupied Rubizhne, cutting civilian food deliveries to the Luhansk Oblast city even as military supply convoys continue to flow, the head of the Luhansk Regional Military Administration reported on 8 June.

Shelves in the city's stores are emptying rapidly, Kharchenko said. Russian propaganda blames disrupted transport links, citing an alleged drone threat. Yet the occupiers have had no difficulty maintaining their own logistics routes to resupply military units stationed across the region, he noted.

"They need to make the next victim for Russian television out of local residents. They chose Rubizhne."—Luhansk governor Oleksii Kharchenko

A city turned into a propaganda prop

The official accused Russia of weaponizing hunger for television cameras. He said the occupiers intend to film bare shelves and hungry residents, then broadcast the footage to Russian audiences as evidence of suffering they themselves engineered.

Before Russia's full-scale invasion, Rubizhne was home to more than 55,000 people. Russian forces seized the city in May 2022 after weeks of devastating urban combat during which they fired up to 1,500 shells per day, the BBC's Quentin Sommerville reported from the front lines. The city's current population remains unknown, but residents who stayed have endured four years of occupation without reliable utilities, communications, or public services.

In nearby Sievierodonetsk, conditions have deteriorated so far that residents now mow the grass in their own neighborhoods and clean communal areas themselves, Kharchenko added—an admission that Russia's occupation authorities provide no basic municipal services even in the cities they claim to have "liberated."

A pattern of deliberate starvation across occupied Ukraine

The manufactured food shortage in occupied Rubizhne fits a documented pattern of Russia using hunger as a weapon against Ukrainian civilians trapped behind the front lines.

In Oleshky, a frontline city in occupied Kherson Oblast, roughly 2,000 civilians have been cut off from food, medicine, and clean water for months. "If the situation doesn't improve, people will just die there from hunger. Because there's no way out, no food supplies coming in," an Oleshky resident who escaped occupation told the Kyiv Independent. Russian forces mined the access roads, destroyed the Kakhovka dam's water infrastructure, and deployed FPV drones that residents describe as conducting "human safari" attacks—hunting anyone who steps outside. People there hunt pigeons and wild ducks with fishing line, plant vegetables in shell craters, and bury their dead in wheelbarrows because no coffins or transport exist.

Ukraine's Foreign Ministry in May appealed to the United Nations and the International Committee of the Red Cross over what it called a "severe humanitarian crisis" in Russian-occupied Kherson Oblast. Russia rejected calls for a humanitarian corridor.

In Nova Kakhovka, upstream from Oleshky, most coastal areas have been abandoned. The few residents who remain live in distant high-rise microdistricts with no functioning hospital and minimal Russian administrative presence, governed remotely from Henichesk, roughly 130 kilometers away.

The Rubizhne food shortage also coincides with Russia's broader restriction of civilian movement through occupied territories. On 6 June, occupation authorities shut down bus and private car traffic on main arteries, capping two weeks of land-corridor breakdowns that have further isolated occupied communities.

Starvation as premeditated policy

International human rights investigators have gathered evidence that Russia planned to use hunger as a weapon before the 2022 invasion. A report by Global Rights Compliance found that a Russian defense contractor purchased grain-transport trucks and bulk cargo ships in December 2021—two months before the invasion began. The evidence was submitted to the International Criminal Court for what could become the first prosecution of a head of state for the war crime of starvation as a method of warfare.

Global Rights Compliance has drawn a direct parallel to the Holodomor—the Soviet-engineered famine that killed millions of Ukrainians in 1932–1933. Russia's current starvation tactics are being perpetrated, the organization noted, by "the same attacking state."

Under the Geneva Conventions, using starvation of civilians as a method of warfare is a war crime. The Rome Statute of the ICC codified the offense in 1998. Yet in occupied Rubizhne, occupied Oleshky, and across the territories Russia claims to have annexed, the pattern continues: military convoys pass, civilian supply lines close, and shelves empty.