"The enemy is counting on our disunity," Ukraine's Deputy Foreign Minister Mariana Betsa told more than 350 diaspora leaders gathered in Bern on 7 June 2026. The answer came in the form of the Bern Declaration—a document committing Ukrainian communities across more than 50 countries to coordinated defense support, territorial restoration, and postwar recovery, the Ukrainian World Congress reported.

The declaration lands at a turning point for Ukraine's global community. An estimated 5.9 million Ukrainians now live abroad, yet only 43% of refugees say the war's end would be enough to bring them home.

The Bern Declaration reframes that reality: if millions of Ukrainians remain dispersed for years, their energy must be channeled into something more than candlelight vigils and flag-waving. The document calls global unity "not a symbol" but "a strategic prerequisite for the success of Ukraine and the Ukrainian people."

What the Bern Declaration demands

The Global Ukrainian Summit, held 5–7 June at the Yehudi Menuhin Forum next to Ukraine's embassy in the Swiss capital, was organized by the Ukrainian World Congress (UWC) in cooperation with the Ukrainian Society of Switzerland—an organization that has built ties between the two countries since 1945—and in partnership with Ukraine's Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

The declaration set out three priorities: Ukraine's victory through a just and lasting peace that restores territorial integrity and holds Russia accountable; the recovery of a strong, independent state free from Russian influence; and the cultivation of future generations of Ukrainian patriots worldwide.

It then issued seven calls to action. Diaspora communities pledged to fund Ukraine's defense forces, engage in political advocacy, take leading roles in reconstruction, protect Ukrainian identity and heritage, strengthen cross-border community networks, resist attempts to divide the Ukrainian people, and amplify Ukraine's global voice.

"Our goals remain unchanged: Ukraine's victory and Russia's defeat, the reconstruction of Ukraine, and a strong global Ukrainian community," UWC President Paul Grod told delegates at the summit's opening session.

Why Bern, and why now

The summit opened with a minute of silence for fallen defenders and all victims of Russia's war on Ukraine. In addition to Betsa, speakers included Deputy Minister of Social Policy Ilona Havronska, Central Election Commission head Oleh Didenko, Ukraine's Ambassador to Switzerland Iryna Venediktova, and former Russian prisoner of war Yuliia Paievska, known as "Taira."

Security remains the prerequisite for the return of millions of displaced Ukrainians, and the government is developing long-term solutions, Deputy Minister of Social Policy Havronska told delegates, according to SWI swissinfo.ch. Venediktova called for coordinated international measures—from sanctions enforcement to the deployment of frozen Russian assets and international criminal prosecution.

Swiss Federal Council Delegate for Ukraine Jacques Gerber attended the opening, underscoring Switzerland's growing role in humanitarian aid and reconstruction in Ukraine, SWI swissinfo.ch noted. Publicist Mykola Riabchuk delivered the keynote on unity within the global Ukrainian community, the UWC reported.

"Ukraine is already proving that it is a strong European nation that is fighting for its sovereignty and for the future of freedom around the world," Betsa told the summit.

From gestures to coordination

The Bern Declaration is the latest in a series of moves that trace a diaspora increasingly organized around concrete objectives. One month ago, Ukraine's women's diaspora gathered at the European Parliament in Brussels to debate the future of temporary protection for 4.4 million refugees.

Four months before that, the UWC coordinated nearly 1,000 events in 78 countries to mark the fourth anniversary of Russia's full-scale invasion. The Bern Declaration converts that momentum into a standing set of commitments.

The document, as Ukrinform reported, closed with three guiding principles: "Ukraine defines our unity. Responsibility before the Ukrainian people defines our unity. National action defines our unity."

"The enemy is counting on our disunity. Ukraine is already proving that it is a strong European nation that is fighting for its sovereignty and for the future of freedom around the world." — Deputy Foreign Minister Mariana Betsa, Bern, 7 June 2026

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Russian occupation forces have deliberately manufactured a food shortage in occupied Rubizhne, cutting civilian food deliveries to the Luhansk Oblast city even as military supply convoys continue to flow, the head of the Luhansk Regional Military Administration reported on 8 June.

Shelves in the city's stores are emptying rapidly, Kharchenko said. Russian propaganda blames disrupted transport links, citing an alleged drone threat. Yet the occupiers have had no difficulty maintaining their own logistics routes to resupply military units stationed across the region, he noted.

"They need to make the next victim for Russian television out of local residents. They chose Rubizhne."—Luhansk governor Oleksii Kharchenko

A city turned into a propaganda prop

The official accused Russia of weaponizing hunger for television cameras. He said the occupiers intend to film bare shelves and hungry residents, then broadcast the footage to Russian audiences as evidence of suffering they themselves engineered.

Before Russia's full-scale invasion, Rubizhne was home to more than 55,000 people. Russian forces seized the city in May 2022 after weeks of devastating urban combat during which they fired up to 1,500 shells per day, the BBC's Quentin Sommerville reported from the front lines. The city's current population remains unknown, but residents who stayed have endured four years of occupation without reliable utilities, communications, or public services.

In nearby Sievierodonetsk, conditions have deteriorated so far that residents now mow the grass in their own neighborhoods and clean communal areas themselves, Kharchenko added—an admission that Russia's occupation authorities provide no basic municipal services even in the cities they claim to have "liberated."

A pattern of deliberate starvation across occupied Ukraine

The manufactured food shortage in occupied Rubizhne fits a documented pattern of Russia using hunger as a weapon against Ukrainian civilians trapped behind the front lines.

In Oleshky, a frontline city in occupied Kherson Oblast, roughly 2,000 civilians have been cut off from food, medicine, and clean water for months. "If the situation doesn't improve, people will just die there from hunger. Because there's no way out, no food supplies coming in," an Oleshky resident who escaped occupation told the Kyiv Independent. Russian forces mined the access roads, destroyed the Kakhovka dam's water infrastructure, and deployed FPV drones that residents describe as conducting "human safari" attacks—hunting anyone who steps outside. People there hunt pigeons and wild ducks with fishing line, plant vegetables in shell craters, and bury their dead in wheelbarrows because no coffins or transport exist.

Ukraine's Foreign Ministry in May appealed to the United Nations and the International Committee of the Red Cross over what it called a "severe humanitarian crisis" in Russian-occupied Kherson Oblast. Russia rejected calls for a humanitarian corridor.

In Nova Kakhovka, upstream from Oleshky, most coastal areas have been abandoned. The few residents who remain live in distant high-rise microdistricts with no functioning hospital and minimal Russian administrative presence, governed remotely from Henichesk, roughly 130 kilometers away.

The Rubizhne food shortage also coincides with Russia's broader restriction of civilian movement through occupied territories. On 6 June, occupation authorities shut down bus and private car traffic on main arteries, capping two weeks of land-corridor breakdowns that have further isolated occupied communities.

Starvation as premeditated policy

International human rights investigators have gathered evidence that Russia planned to use hunger as a weapon before the 2022 invasion. A report by Global Rights Compliance found that a Russian defense contractor purchased grain-transport trucks and bulk cargo ships in December 2021—two months before the invasion began. The evidence was submitted to the International Criminal Court for what could become the first prosecution of a head of state for the war crime of starvation as a method of warfare.

Global Rights Compliance has drawn a direct parallel to the Holodomor—the Soviet-engineered famine that killed millions of Ukrainians in 1932–1933. Russia's current starvation tactics are being perpetrated, the organization noted, by "the same attacking state."

Under the Geneva Conventions, using starvation of civilians as a method of warfare is a war crime. The Rome Statute of the ICC codified the offense in 1998. Yet in occupied Rubizhne, occupied Oleshky, and across the territories Russia claims to have annexed, the pattern continues: military convoys pass, civilian supply lines close, and shelves empty.